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1216923 


ellNEALOGY   COLLECTION 


3  1833  01209  2059 


ELIOT  PAPERS 


COMPILED  FROM  FAMILY  PAPERS  BY 

ELIOT    HOWARD 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


No.  I 


JOHN   ELIOT 

OF     LONDON,    MERCHANT 
1735—  1813 


COMPILED    FROM   FAMILY    PAPERS   BY    HIS    GREAT    GRANDSON 
ELIOT    HOWARD 


PUBLISHED  BY  E.  HICKS,  JUNR. 

14,    BISHOPSGATE   STREET,    WITHOUT,    LONDON,   E.G. 
1895 


INTRODUCTION 


1216923 

"One  generation  passeth  away  and  another  generation  cometh,"  and  as 
each  generation  passes  it  becomes  more  and  more  difficuh  to  reahze  the 
customs,  the  habits  of  life,  and  the  thoughts  of  a  past  Age. 

Especially  is  this  the  case  when  the  subjects  of  our  consideration 
belong  to  a  Religious  Body  which  possessed  such  strongly  marked  char- 
acteristics as  the  Quakers  of  the  Seventeenth  and  Eighteenth  Centuries, 
characteristics  which  seem  strange  now,  even  to  the  younger  members 
of  the  same  Body  and  are  but  little  known  to  the  generality  of  modern 
Enghshmen.  And  yet  these  men  and  women  of  a  past  age  are  well 
worthy  of  respectful  remembrance,  not  only  for  the  sturdy  conscientious- 
ness which  marked  their  character,  but  because  they  have  had,  in  their 
quiet  way,  no  small  influence  in  shaping  the  England  in  which  we  now  live. 

I  have  found  myself  the  inheritor  of  a  large  mass  of  papers,  including 
Diaries,  Letters,  Entries  in  Bibles,  etc.,  etc.,  extending  from  the  seven- 
teenth to  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  centuries,  chiefly  belonging  to 
the  Eliot  family,  which  entirely  died  out  except  in  one  Member  of  the 
female  line — Mariabella  Eliot  who  married  Luke  Howard  in  1796. 


vi  INTRODUCTION 

When  I  began  the  investigation  of  these  papers  I  saw  that  they 
presented  such  a  detailed  picture  of  the  thoughts  and  ways  of  the  writers 
that  I  was  in  hopes  that  some  matter  might  have  been  collected  from 
them  which  would  be  of  more  than  family  interest,  but  I  have  found  that 
they  lived  such  retired  and  peaceful  lives  that  it  is  unlikely  that  their 
sayings  and  doings  can  claim  attention  beyond  the  rather  numerous  circle 
of  descendants  of  Mariabella  Howard  and  perhaps  a  few  Members  of  the 
old  Society  who  may  care  to  recall  the  ways  of  their  predecessors. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  this  work  eould  have  been  much  better  done  a 
generation  ago,  but  the  sense  of  the  difficulty  which  I  have  constantly 
found  in  tracing  the  threads  of  the  narrative,  has  served  to  impel  me  to 
persevere — for,  if  left  over  for  yet  another  generation,  many  of  these 
must  drop  so  completely  that  the  task  might  then  be  impossible. 

I  am  painfully  conscious  also  that  the  work  would  have  been  much 
belter  done  by  one  who  was  more  entirely  in  sympathy  with  the  peculiar 
religious  views  of  the  subjects  of  the  history ;  but  I  hope  I  have  not 
failed  in  reverent  appreciation  of  their  characters,  and  I  trust  also  that  I 
may  not  have  written  anything  which  can  wound  the  feelings  of  any 
reader  who  still  belongs  to  the  beloved  and  honoured  old  Society. 

E.  H.,  Walthamstoiv.  1893. 

These  Papers  were  printed  privately  for  the  information  of  the 
descendants  of  the  Eliot  family  and  a  few  friends.  Having  been  re- 
quested to  bring  out  a  public  Edition,  I  have  taken  the  opportunity  to 
correct  a  few  errors  and  to  fill  up  various  gaps  from  information  which 
has  since  come  into  mv  hands,  for  which  I  have  to  thank  several  kind 
correspondents. 

E.  H.,  IValthavistozu,  1895. 


INDEX 


Introduction 

Chapter 

i.               John  Ehot's  Ancestors i 

ii.  A  Chapter  of  Accounts  (John  Ehot  I.)     -         -  5 

iii.  Two  Brothers.     John  EUot  II.  and  Phihp  Ehot         -  7 

iv.             John  Eliot  III.     Early  Days 15 

V.  A  few  words  explanatory  of  what  follows  -         -         -  19 

vi.  Brother  and  Sister.     John  and  Mariabella  Eliot           -  23 

vii.            John  Eliot's  Journals 27 

viii.  John  Eliot's  Journals.      His  Choice  of  a  Business       -  31 

ix.  do.                      Treworgy  and  Aspley    -         -  33 

X.  do.                      More  about  Treworgy, 

A  Journey  in  the  Olden  Time    -         -  37 

xi.             The  End  of  the  Journal 41 

xii.            A  Crisis  in  Life 45 

xiii.           John  Ehot's  Scruples 51 

xiv.           Quiet  Life 61 

XV.  A  Love  Affair,  a  Journey  and  a  Tragedy    -         -         -  65 

xvi.  Life  flows  on  quietly  again         -         -         -         -         ■  75 

xvii.  Another  eventful  year.     Marriage  and  other 

serious  matters    -         -  77 

xviii.         Middle  Life.     Ashmore 83 

xix.            Mariabella  Eliot.     Pickhurst 87 

XX.  Journeys  in  Holland  and  France        .         .         .         -  89 

xxi.  Bartholomew  Close  -------  93 

xxii.  Sundry  Letters          -------  99 

xxiii.  do.            The  Civil  War  in  Ireland,  1798          -  105 

xxiv.  Later  Life.     Marriage  of  J.  E's  daughter  Mariabella    -  109 

XXV.          John  Ehot's  Death 115 

xxvi.         John  Eliot  IV. 121 

Appendix  :  Essay  and  Poem  by  Mariabella  Eliot .         -  -         -  125 


CHAPTER  I. 
JOHN    ELIOT'S    ANCESTORS 


The  Story  of  the  EUots  begins  in  the  West  Country.  The  carefully 
kept  Registers  of  the  "  Society  of  Friends"  show  that  in  the  seventeenth 
century  there  must  have  been  a  considerable  colony  of  Eliots  in  and  about 
the  town  of  St.  Austell  in  Cornwall.  How  they  were  mutually  related  it 
is  impossible  now  to  trace,  but  the  fact  probably  points  to  a  lengthy 
residence  of  the  family  in  that  neighbourhood.  There  is  strong  reason 
to  believe  that  they  came  of  the  same  stock  as  the  Eliots  of  St.  Germans 
in  the  same  county. 

Among  these,  one  Philip  Eliot  (or  "Phillip  Ellyott  "  as  he  himself 
spells  his  name)  married  Rebecca  Chapman  of  Liskeard,  and  their  eldest 
son,  John  Eliot,  was  born  about  1683.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  named 
after  his  Grandfather,  for  the  Registers  mention  the  burial  of  "Joh"  Eliot, 
the  elder"  in  1692.'  It  is  true  that  Phihp  Eliot  died  in  169 1,  but  as  his 
widow  married  again,  it  is  likely  that  he  was  not  advanced  in  years,  and 
his  father  may  easily  have  survived  him. 

Philip  Eliot  had  three  other  children,  viz  : — 

Jacob  Eliot,  who  appears  by  the  Registers  to  have  married  Priscilla, 
daughter  of  Thos.  Gwyn  of  Falmouth,  in  1731.  He  died,  without  issue, 
about  1740. 

Jane  Eliot,  married  John  Turner  of  Lurgan,  in  Ireland.  Three 
generations  later,  in  1822,  we  meet  with  a  descendant,  by  name  John 
Eliot  Turner,  as  a  pensioner  of  his  relatives,  John  Eliot  and  Sir  George 

*  It  W.1S  prob.ably  this  John  Eliot  who  w.ts  in  Launceston  Gaol  in  Angust,  1683,  as  n  Qu.ilter  (sec 
Besse's  Stifferings,  Vol.  I,  126  and  117.) 


2  ELIOT   PAPERS  1683 

Shiffner,  who  paid  for  his  funeral  and  headstone  and  his  deists,  including 
"malt  liquor"  and  "public  house."     He  seems,  however,  to  have  led  a 
harmless,  if  useless,  life,  "reading  newspapers,  writing  verses,  etc.,  etc." 
(Correspondence  between  Sir  Geo.  Shiffner  and  John  Eliot,  1822.) 
Rebecca  Eliot,  married  Robert  Wallis  in  1704,  and  left  issue. 

As  we  now  come  to  four  generations  of  John  Eliots,  I  propose  to 
distinguish  them  as  I,  II,  III  and  IV  respectively,  beginning  with  the  son 
of  Phihp  Eliot. 

John  Eliot  (I)  who  was  at  that  time  living  at  Liskeard,*  married,  in 
1706,  Hester  Chappell  of  Topsham,  in  Devon.  The  Chappells  must  have 
been  well-to-do  people  owning  various  houses  and  lands  in  and  about 
Topsham,  some  of  which  descended  to  Hester's  children. 

Travellers  by  the  Great  Western  Railway  below  Exeter  are  familiar 
with  the  pretty  town  that  lies  on  the  other  side  of  the  Estuary  of  the  Exe, 
between  Exeter  and  Exmouth.  At  one  time  Topsham  was  a  place  of  no 
small  importance  as  a  seaport,  being  the  nearest  point  to  Exeter  that 
vessels  of  heavy  draught  could  reach,  and  Exeter  was  a  very  important 
centre  of  West  Country  life.  Topsham  fitted  out  a  number  of  ships  to 
go  against  the  Spanish  Armada  and  at  one  time  carried  on  a  larger  trade 
with  Newfoundland  than  any  other  port  in  the  kingdom.  But  after  a 
ship  canal  was  made  to  Exeter  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  trade 
gradually  left  the  town,  and  during  the  lifetime  of  John  Eliot  (I)  we  find 
allusions  in  family  letters  to  the  declining  fortunes  of  the  place  and  the 
difficulty  of  letting  dwelling  houses  and  warehouses. 

John  and  Hester  Eliot  settled  at  Falmouth,  where  he  began  his  long 
and  successful  career  as  a  Merchant,  exporting  pilchards  and  tin  to 
Venice,  then  the  great  port  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  probablv  trading 
with  the  West  Indies.  It  must  be  remembered  that  before  the  days  of 
steam  ships,  Falmouth  was  a  place  of  much  more  relative  importance 
than  it  is  now.  Fhe  magnificent  harbour  afforded  a  welcome  refuge  to 
homeward  bound  vessels,  especially  if  short  of  provisions  and  wanting 
repairs,  and  it  was  the  .station  at  which  the  outward  bounds,  that  had 
perhaps  taken  three  weeks  in   beating    down  the   Channel,  waited  for 

*  J.  E.  owned  two  F.irnis  near  I.iskeard  called  I.andazzard  and  GormelliL-k.  It  is  possible  tliat  tliev  were 
inherited  from  liis  Mother's  family. 


1706  ELIOT   PAPERS  3 

favourable  winds  to  begin  their  Southward  or  Westward  voyage.  Many 
instances  might  be  found  in  hterature  of  the  long  detentions  which 
passengers  experienced  in  consequence,  but  the  two  following  will  suffice. 
Readers  of  Henry  Martvn's  life  will  remember  the  distressing  period  of 
waiting,  so  near  to  all  he  held  dearest  on  earth,  before  he  parted  finally 
from  his  native  land  in  1803  :  and  Beckford,  the  author  of  "Vathek"  in  a 
very  different  strain,  gives  a  most  graphic  and  amusing  description  of  his 
experiences  under  a  similar  detention  in  1794,  before  sailing  for 
Portugal,  bringing  clearly  before  our  eyes  the  Falmouth  of  old  days, 
with  the  KiUigrew  monument  up  on  the  hill,  Trefusis  House  still 
inhabited  by  the  Trefusis  family,  but  already  falling  into  disrepair,  the 
Quaker  Meeting  with  its  "hemmings  and  hawings"  (whatever  could  have 
induced  such  a  man  to  attend  it  at  all  ?)  and  other  details  interesting  to 
those  who  love  that  dear  old  place. 

Falmouth  was  also  the  recognised  starting  point  of  the  armed  sailing 
packets  for  the  West  Indies  and  America,  as  is  commemorated  by  the 
bas-relief  of  the  "Marlborough  packet"  on  the  house  bearing  her  name, 
bulk  by  her  owner  ;  and  by  a  memorial  tablet  in  the  Church  of  King 
Charles  the  Martyr  to  a  passenger  killed  in  an  action  with  a  French 
privateer  off  Scilly.'" 

The  old  King's  Arms,  on  the  Market  Strand — that  picturesque  and 
dilapidated  rehc  of  former  days — must  have  had  many  a  distinguished 
guest  who  looked  out  through  its  round  fronted  windows,  and  have 
needed  many  a  bottle  of  "  Mountain  "  and  Port  in  its  cellars  to  meet 
their  demands.t  Now — "quantum  mutatus  ah  illo" — its  customers  are 
cabdrivers  and  long-shore  men. 

At  Falmouth  were  born  John  and  Hester  Fliot's  two  sons — John 
Eliot  (H)  in  1707,  and  Philip  Hliot  in  1708,  and  a  daughter,  Ann,  who 
married,  about  1750,  Edward  Lambert  of  Red  Lion  Square,  Merchant, 
(apparently  son  of  Sir  Daniel  Lambert,)  and  died  in  1763. 

She  appears  in  family  correspondence  (1756)  as  "thy  dear  Aunt 
Lambert "  and  is  pitied  for  living  in  "  that  dead  and  disagreeable  place," 
Red  Lion  Square. 

*  These  sailing  packets  were  Brigs,  and  some  of  the  older  Falmouth  seamen  can  well  remember  serving 
in  tliem. 

f  A  Spanish  traveller  early  in  this  century  complains  of  the  Inn  at  Falmouth,  which  "  .appeared  ni.ignificent  " 
to  him,  that  "  generous  wines  are  inordinately  dear,  and  no  others  are  to  be  procured  ;  about  a  dollar  a  bottle 
is  the  price  "  *'  they  drink  that  the  host  may  be  satisfied  with  their  expenses  "  ! 


4  ELIOT   PAPERS  1719 

The  business  at  Falmouth  evidently  flourished,  and  in  course  of  time 
it  became  desirable  to  move  to  London.  I  cannot  tell  in  what  year 
(earlier  than  17 19)  this  took  place,  nor  have  we  any  gossip  left  about  the 
family  move,  whether  it  was  by  land,  over  the  rough  Cornish  roads,  or  by 
water.  I  do  not  know  either  whether  Hester  Eliot  lived  long  enough  to 
take  part  in  it,  for  she  certainly  died  before  17 19,  when  John  Eliot 
married  again,  the  new  wife  being  "  Theophila  Bellers,  daughter  of  John 
Bellers*  of  Coin  St.  Alwyns,  so  called,  in  Gloucestershire."  She  appears 
to  have  come  of  a  wealthy  family  for  there  was  property  to  descend  to 
her  three  daughters,  Frances,  Rebecca  and  Mary — only  one  of  whom 
married,  namely  Rebecca,  to  Sir  John  Bridger,  Knt,t  and  from  them  were 
descended  the  Shiflfners  of  Combe,  near  Lewes. 


*  John  BcUcrs  married  Fr.incis,  d.  of  Giles  Fettiplace,  of  Coin  St.  Alwyns,  "of  .1  most  ancient  and 
respectable  family."  He  used  to  drive  to  meeting  in  a  CMch  and  six.  J.  B.  died  at  St.  Stephen's,  Walbrook, 
London,  8-2-1725,  aged  71.  He  had  a  son  Fettiplace  Bellers,  b.  23-8-1687,  who  left  the  Society  of  Friends; 
wrote  a  Tragedy  in  1732,  and  other  books  1740-54. 

Theophila  Bellers  was  born  at  the  Grange,  Chalfont  St.  Peter's,  Bucks,  5-9-1695. 

To  John  Bellers  is  ascribed  the  credit  of  starting  the  School  and  "Workhouse"  of  Friends  at 
Clerkenwell,  now  represented  by  the  flourishing  School  at  Saffron  Walden  (see  the  "  Book  on  London  Meet- 
ings," p.  361).  He  wrote  many  books  between  1695  and  1724;  among  the  family  papers  is  a  curious 
pamphlet,  entitled,  "  An  Essay  towards  the  Improvement  of  Physick,  in  twelve  proposals,  by  which  the  Lives 
of  many  Thousands  of  the  Rich,  as  well  as  of  the  Poor,  may  be  saved  Yearly,"  London,  1714.  It  is 
interesting  to  notice  how  many  of  the  proposals  have,  since  then,  been  adopted.  I  do  not  know  whether 
he  was  himself  a  Physician. 

t  In  Horsfield's  Lewes,  Vol.  II,  p.  130,  is  a  pedigree  of  Bridger.  John  Bridger  w.is  knighted  at  the 
coronation  of  George  III  in  1761.  He  died  1817.  His  wife  died  1803.  Mary  Bridger,  sole  heiress,  was 
born  22  Dec.  1765:  she  ni.  George  Shiffner,  Esq.  (h.  1762)  who  w.as  created  a  Baronet  in  1818.  He  was 
M.P.  for  Lewes  in  5  Parliaments.  Issue  4  sons  and  4  drs.  The  family  still  flourishes  at  Coombe  Place, 
Lewes. 


CHAPTER  II. 

A    CHAPTER    OF    ACCOUNTS 
(JOHN    ELIOT    I.) 


I  have  before  me  John  EHot's  "Ballance  Book",  showing  the  statement 
of  his  accounts  from  year  to  year,  kept  with  exquisite  neatness,  from 
1 72 1  to  1 76 1.  It  is  very  interesting,  as  showing  the  gradual  growth  of 
his  property  from  about  ^10,000  to  nearly  ^100,000,  in  spite  of  had 
years  as  well  as  good  ones.  The  largest  increase  I  can  find  is  in  1747, 
when  it  amounted  to  ^7,586  10  o ;  but  in  some  years  it  was  very  small, 
indeed  in  1729  and  1730  he  lost  pretty  heavily,  and  this  apparently  caused 
him  to  take  less  pleasure  in  entering  his  balances  year  by  year,  and  the 
pages  are  blank  until  things  had  begun  to  mend  again.  He  grew  rich  by 
saving  as  well  as  by  earning,  for  in  this  same  year,  1747,  his  total 
expenses  were  only  ^960   17    i,  made  up  as  follows: — 


£ 

s 

d 

Exp.  on  sickness 

•      32 

5 

0 

House 

•     349 

19 

II 

Clothing    ... 

.     160 

5 

10 

Rent  and  Taxes     ... 

.     121 

0 

9 

Wages       

•       74 

3 

9 

Pettys  and  Gifts 

.       lOI 

8 

II 

Coach  and  Horses 

.     121 

12 

II 

4960 

_i7_ 

^ 

"  Pettys  and  Gifts"  were  rather  a  heavy  item  this  year.  Sometimes  this 
item  only  amounted  to  about  ^36  and  in  1732  "  Gifts"  appear  as  a 
separate  item  at  ^8  12  o  !  in  a  total  expenditure  of  ^766  5  9.  In  his 
later  years  when  he  was,  in  reality  and  by  repute,  a  rich  man,  and  had  a 
house  at  Croydon  and  another  in  Bartholomew  Lane,  London,  with  three 
daughters  at  home,  who  were  by  no  means  "plain  friends",  his  expenditure 
never  amounted  to  ^lioo  in  one  year.     His  descendants  would  be  glad 


ELIOT  PAPERS 


I72I— I761 


to  be  able  to  keep  up  two  houses,  and  a  "coach  and  horses"  for  this 
annual  sum  ! 

We  can  form  some  idea  of  the  nature  of  his  business  from  various 
entries.  Thus,  in  1746,  he  had  shares  in  four  ships — one  of  which,  the 
Theophila  (doubtless  named  after  his  wife)  brought  in  no  less  than 
;^I743  this  year.  Fie  also  made  large  .sums  b}-  "merchant  ventures"  or 
consignments  of  goods  sent  abroad  :  one  entry,  in  1747,  being  a  profit  of 
^1472  on  Woollen  Goods  sent  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies. 

I  am  able  to  trace  the  details  of  some  such  ventures  in  another  family 
account  book  of  about  the  same  date,  thus,  in  a  "Voyage  to  Vera  Cruz'" 
the  venture  appears  to  have  been  about  ^84,  and  the  balance  of  profit 
;^I54,  and  on  a  voyage  to  Buenos  Ayres  a  venture  of  ^81  seems  to  yield 
a  profit  of  ^233. 

He  was  also  an  Underwriter,  in  the  days  when  the  premiums  paid  for 
insurance  were  very  different  from  those  received  by  Underwriters  in 
these  days,  as  the  following  examples  will  show. 

£ 

London  to  New  \  ork  ...      15  per  cent 

London  to  Leghorn  ...      10 

China  to  London      ...  ...      12 

Rotterdam  to  London  ...        i 

Woodbridge  to  Rotterdam  ...        2 
Poole  to  Lisbon       ...  ...        4 

Petersburg  to  London  ...        5 

The  rates  in  the  present  day  for  the  same  classes  of  ships  are,  I  am 
informed,  about  as  follows  : — 

Summer  17/6     Winter  25/-  per  cent 
„        20/-  „       25/-    „      „ 

...     about  50/-  per  cent 

Summer    6/8     Winter  10/-  per  cent 
6/8  „       10/-    „     „ 

12/6  „       15/-    „     „ 

10/-  „       30/-    „      „ 

In  his  later  years  I  find  less  allusions  to  business  transactions,  and  his 
money  was  mostly  safely  invested  in  Bank  Stock,  Bank  Annuities,  India 
Bonds  and  the  like. 

The  Theophila  was  sold  in  1757. 


London  to  New  York 
London  to  Leghorn 
China  to  London 
Rotterdam  to  London 
Woodbridge  to  Rotterdam 
Poole  to  Lisbon 
St.  Petersburg  to  London 


CHAPTER   III. 

TWO    BROTHERS 
JOHN    ELIOT  (U)   AND    PHILU^    ELIOT 


Let  us  now  turn  back  to  John  Eliot's  two  sons,  John  (II)  and  Philip. 
We  find  little  trace  of  their  childhood  except  the  fact  of  their  being  at 
school  with  one  Alexander  Arscott,  in  172 1.  They  cost  their  father 
£121    10  6,  out  of  a  total  expenditure  of /507  3  o,  in  that  year. 

In  1729  we  notice  that  J.  E.  gave  his  son  John  ^50  "to  buy  himself  a 
suit  of  clothes,  &c."  (he  being  then  come  of  age.)  I  have  a  miniature  of 
him,  perhaps  in  this  very  suit  of  clothes ;  he  appears  a  pleasant-looking 
young  man,  handsomely  dressed  and  with  a  flowing  white  wig.  (A  wig 
cost  50/-,  for  we  find  an  entry  for  "2  wiggs  ^5,"  possibly  these  were  for 
the  two  young  men.) 

The  following  letter,  in  the  same  year,  from  John  Eliot,  Sen.  to  his 
Mother  links  together  pleasantly  the  three  generations.  One  would 
hardly  lancy  on  reading  it  that  the  two  labourers,  so  kindly  oftered  for 
the  old  lady's  harvest  field,  were  rather  smart  3'oung  men  of  22  and  21, 
respectively.  "Phill"  seems  to  have  been  the  chatterbox  of  the  pair. 
What  a  pleasure  it  must  have  been  to  the  young  men  to  get  back  to  their 
beautiful  native  county  of  Cornwall. 

"London,  18  July,  1729. 

"  Hon'^  Mother, 

"  I  have  lately  herd  i'rom  Bro^  Jacob  who  advises  me  of  thy  health 
"as  well  as  may  be  expected— for  which  I  am  truly  thankful — he  further 


8  ELIOT   PAPERS  1 729 — 1 734 

"  adds  thou  observes  I  do  not  write  as  often  as  heretofore.  I  do  assure 
"  thee  it  is  not  from  want  of  duty  or  due  regard,  but  when  mj'  Father* 
"  was  Uveing  I  had  severall  occasions  of  business  y'  I  have  not  now — 
"  however  to  make  amends  I  have  sent  Phihp  down  to  Topsham  from 
"whence  his  Bro^  John  and  him  are  to  make  thee  a  Visit  very  soon  and 
"  if  thee  wants  labourers  in  thy  Harvest  set  them  to  work. 

"  My  spouset  and  her  four+  daughters  keeps  in  y^  Country,  y'  I  am 
"  now  alone  in  Town,  but  I  lodge  here  only  Two  nights  in  y^  Week. 
"  I  shall  not  enlarge  on  the  growth  of  thy  Grandaughters,  knowing  that 
"  Phill  will  entertain  thee  agreeably  enough  on  y'  head.  He  will  be  in 
"  Topsham  to-morrow  being  Satturday  and  believe  with  you  y^  end  of 
"  next  (?  week). 

"  Wee  have  all  our  health  and  desire  thou  will  want  for  nothing  y'  may 
"  contribute  to  thine.      Wee  all  jovne  in  Duty  to  thee  which  concludes 
"  Thy  Dutyfull  ' 
"  Son 

"Jno.  Eliot." 

Of  the  elder  of  these  two  brothers  and  travelling  companions  we  have 
singularly  lew  details,  considering  how  much  we  know  of  other  members 
of  the  family.  I  have  hitherto  failed  to  find  a  single  specimen  of  his 
handwriting  unless  it  be  in  an  account  book  and  one  receipt.  There  is 
a  charmingly  executed  miniature  of  him  in  a  gold  locket,  engraved  "John 
Eliot  of  London  Merchant"  with  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death.  He 
was,  like  his  father,  brother,  son  and  grandson,  a  Merchant  of  London, 
and,  probably,  an  Underwriter. 

On  the  nth  April,  1734,  he  married  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins, 
the  daughter  of  another  London  Merchant  about  whose  family  we  shall 
have  much  to  say  further  on.  His  Mother-in-Law  records  in  her  Bible, 
"  My  dafter  §  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins  was  married  to  John 
"  Elliot,  att  Devonshire  House  Meeting  and  Their  was  a  great  deal  of 
"  Company  and  the  dinner  was  kept  at  Pontack's.  Wee  all  stayed  and 
"  the  Women  drank  Tea  and  wee  and  his  Father  and  Mother  and  his 

*  This  must  refer  to  liis  Stepfather,  Robert  May,  his  own  father  died  when  he  was  about  9  years  old. 
7  His  second  wife,  Theophila. 

X  One  daughter,  Ann,  of  the  first  family,  and  three  of  the  second  family. 

§  The  contraction  "dafter"  for  daughter  is  frequently  used  in  the  MSS.  of  the  Briggins  family.  1  do  not 
remember  to  liave  met  with  it  elsewhere. 


1734 — 1735  ELIOT   PAPERS  9 

"  Brother  Philip  and  his  fore  Sisters  and  their  Cousin  T.  WaUis  and  my 
"  said  Sone  and  dafter  EHot  all  came  and  stayed  super.  Wee  parted  with 
"  all  the  other  Relations  on  both  sides  att  Pontack's.  Their  was  a  great 
"  many  relations  and  others." 

On  the  14th,  "  My  Brother  and  Sister  Eliot  and  Cos.  Philip  and  their 
"4  Sisters  meet  us  att  B.  &  Mouth  Meeting"  (Bull  and  Mouth  Meeting 
House,  near  the  General  Post  Office,  now  pulled  down)  "being  the  first 
"  day  of  Easter  and  thev  all  went  to  our  Hous  and  dined  with  us  and  in 
"  V""  afternoon  we  all  but  my  G.  B.  went  in  2  Coaches  to  Gratious  Street" 
"  (Gracechurch  Street)  meeting.  After  Meeting  I  and  my  Hannah  went 
"  to  see  my  Son  and  dafter  How,  hee  had  been  very  ill.  Brother  Eliot's 
"  family  and  my  Son  and  dafter  Eliot  they  all  went  to  Kinsinton  Gardens 
"  and  came  back  and  suped  at  my  Brother  Eliots  House  and  after  super 
"  my  Son  and  dafter  Eliot  came  home  to  our  House." 

On  the  28th,  "  My  son  Eliot  had  my  dafter  and  his  wife  home  to 
"  his  house  on  Garlick  Hill  and  my  dafter's  Hannah  and  Gulielma  went 
"  with  them  and  my  Brother  and  Sister  Eliot  and  their  children  met  them 
"  their  and  all  suped  their." 

Garlick  Hill,  where  the  young  couple  made  their  home  with  the 
younger  brother  Philip  as  an  inmate,  is  one  of  the  yery  old  London 
Streets,  between  Upper  Thames  Street  and  Cannon  Street,  near  the 
present  Mansion  House  Station,  having  Great  St.  Thomas  Apostle  at  the 
one  end  and  St.  James  Garlickh3^the  at  the  other.  It  now  contains  only 
warehouses  and  offices,  but  at  that  time  it  was  no  doubt  occupied  by 
comfortable  dwelling  houses  of  London  Merchants. 

Their  married  hfe  was  sadly  short.  The  ne.xt  entry  in  Mariabella 
Briggins'  Bible  reads  thus  : — 

1735,  December  19.  "My  Son  John  Elliot's  Birthday.  Just  28  years 
'  old  and  the  19th  day  my  Son  John  Elliott  departed  this  life  at  his  house 
'  on  GarHck  Hill.  The  2  Doctors  say  an  infectious  feavour.  He  lay 
'  about  12  days.     He  left  one  Son  not  a  year  old 

"  The  26th  May  Son  John  Eliot  was  carried  from  his  house  in  a  herse 
'  and  6  horses  to  Croydon  to  be  buried  in  Eriends  Burying  Ground. 
'  12  coaches  and  4  horses  to  each  coach  for  relations  and  there  was, 
'  after  the  Buriall  was  over,  at  an  Inn,  a  cold  entertainement  for  all  that 
'  was  at  my  Son  Elliott's  burial,  very  plentifully  and  they  say  that  there 
'  was  caire  taken  that  y"  remainder  of  y«  victuals  should  be  given  to  poor 
'  Friends." 


10  ELIOT   PAPERS  1735 

The  Receipt  in  John  HUot's  handwriting,  mentioned  on  page  8, 
is  as  follows  : — 

"  ReC*  y^  8  Decemb''  1735  of  my  Brother  Philip  Eliot  eighteen  pounds 
"five  shillings  in  full  for  a  Quarters  Board  and  Rent  of  a  Stall  in  the 
"  Stable  to  the  30'  9^'"  last. 

^18     5     o 

"John  Ehot  Junr." 
Philip  Eliot  appends  to  it  a  long  memorandum,  beginning : — 
"  The  above  receipt  w^as  written  the  day  that  he  first  complained  of 
"  his  illness"  and  then  follows  an  account  of  his  last  days  and  his  parting 
with  his  family.  "  He  ordered  his  wife  to  be  called  and  in  the  most 
"  affectionate  manner  embraced  her  and  took  his  leave  of  her  in  a  most 
"  solemn  manner  and  bade  her  farewell  saying  that  now  his  pleasures  in 
"this  world  are  at  an  end  and  desiring  that  his  dear  Babe  may  be 
"  brought  up  in  a  plain,  virtuous,  sober  and  religious  life  and  educations. 
"  He  allways  in  his  lifetime  made  it  his  study  to  live  a  religious  and 
"  sober  Ufe,  having  the  fear  of  God  before  his  eyes  ;  by  Whose  assistance 
"  he  became  very  serviceable  to  his  friends  and  relations,  more  especially 
"  to  his  dear  wife  and  child  and  myself,  whom  I  may  venture  to  say,  next 
"  to  his  wife  and  child  he  loved  as  himself.  Oh  the  excellent  good 
"  advice  he  always  on  proper  times  gave  me ;  it  was  like  balsam  to  a 
"  wounded  conscience  and  would  oftentimes  melt  us  both  into  tears  .  . 
"  I  must  truly  say  that  such  times  to  me  was  y^  greatest  pleasure  and 
"  truest  delight  I  ever  enjoyed.  My  dear  deceased  brother  declared  in 
"  the  presence  of  his  Docf=  w'^  was  Sir  Hans  Sloane  and  Docf  Crew  and 
"  his  Bro''  How  that  there  was  nothing  that  gave  him  uneasiness  on  his 
"  mind  but  that  it  was  a  great  Calmness  and  serenity  and  trust  in  God. 
"  I  pray  .  .  .  that  the  Lord  would  be  a  husband  to  her  '"  (the  young 
widow)  "  and  a  father  to  y'^  Fatherless  and  a  comfort  in  her  distress  for 
"  they  dearly  loved  each  other  and  it  was  impossible  to  know  which  loved 
"  best,  each  striving  to  out  do  each  other ;  (was  there  more  such 
"  affectionate  marriages  it  would  not  then  be  such  Bugbear  as  it  seems 
"  now  to  be.)" 

(The  last  sentence,  in  brackets,  P.  E.  afterwards  crossed  out.) 
The  son  who  was  left  (John  Eliot  III.)  was  born  on  the  2nd  February, 
1734/5,  and  a  daughter,  Mariabella,  four  months  after  her  father's  death, 
on  the  1 2th  April,  1736.     In  a  letter  from  Philip  Eliot  to  his  nephew 


1736 — 1749  ELIOT   PAPERS  II 

many  years  afterwards  we  have  a  touching  mention  of  the  dying  father's 
prayers  for  the  infant  son  whom  he  was  leaving. 

We  shall  hear  much  more  about  these  two  children  a  few  years  later, 
but,  in  the  meantime,  we  must  say  something  about  the  Uncle  Philip 
Eliot,  who  remained  a  bachelor  all  his  days,  and  was  evidently  the  most 
watchful  and  anxious  of  guardians  to  the  nephew  and  niece,  left  entirely 
orphans  by  the  death  of  their  Mother,  in  1747,  when  the  boy  was  only 
12  years  old. 

Of  Philip  Eliot's  personal  history  we  have  the  following  interesting 
iMemorandumi  under  date,  3rd  month  27th,  1739. 

"  Philip  Eliot  a  young  man  from  London,  who  did  exceed  many  in  the 
"  gaiety  and  vanity  of  this  life,  until  the  Lord  in  his  tender  mercy  visited 
"  him  and  called  him  by  his  Grace  :  and  as  he  gave  up  to  the  heavenly 
"  call  he  forsook  his  former  way  of  life,  bis  old  associates  and  companions 
"  and  took  up  the  cross,  denying  himself  of  these  follies  and  vanities  he 
"  was  before  captivated  with,  to  the  wonder  and  amazement  of  many  who 
"  were  acquainted  with  him  before.  He  came  over  to  see  some  relations 
"  in  the  North  of  Ireland  and  to  settle  (with)  correspondents  in  Cork  and 
"  Dublin,  and  as  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  open  his  mouth  in  a  public 
"  testimony  before  he  left  home,  he  had  meetings  at  some  places  in  his 
"  way,  and  tho'  but  short  in  the  expressive  part  of  his  testimony  yet  was 
"  attended  with  a  good  degree  of  life  and  proved  to  the  comfort  and 
"  satisfaction  of  friends    .    .    Note.     He  was  educated  amongst  Friends." 

Philip  Eliot  evidently  continued  an  earnest  and  energetic  minister  of 
the  Society  of  Friends  until  his  death,  in  1759.  The  copies  of  many  of 
his  letters  are  preserved — addressed  to  leading  members  of  the  Society 
on  religious  matters. 

The  following  letter  from  him  on  family  affliirs,  in  1749,  tells  its  own 
story. 

"  LONDON  y^  8'''  7bre  1749. 
"Honoured  Father, 

"  Since  our  last  Conference  I  have  considered  very  maturely 
"  the  treaty  of  marriage  now  in  hand  between  my  Sister  and  Edward 
"  Lambert  &  as  its  an  affair  of  the  highest  importance  and  which  cannot 
"  be  altered  after  Solemnization,  it  behoves  every  one  who  has  any  share 
"  or  interest  in  the  party  concerned  to  show  their  reasons  before  the 
"  Nuptialls  is  accomphshed,  why  they  dissent  in  Judgment :  which  as  I 
B2 


12  ELIOT   PAPERS  I749 

"  apprehend  by  the  tyes  of  nature  I  have  an  undoubted  right  to  offer  my 
"  thoughts  upon  this  weighty  aflair,  and  either  to  approve  or  disapprove 
"  as  the  Circumstances  appear,  without  being  lyable  of  suflfering  thy  re- 
"  sentment  because  I  differ  in  opinion  from  thee.  For  the  more  my 
"  thoughts  have  been  engaged  therein,  the  more,  I  apprehend,  I  see 
"  fresh  foundation  of  unhappyness  both  as  to  herself  and  friends  :  and 
"  therefore  I  crave  thy  patience  to  give  these  few  hnes  a  reading  and  not 
"  to  condemn  the  whole  in  case  any  part  thereof  is  not  agreeable.  For 
"  I  assure  thee  I  have  nothing  else  in  view  but  my  Sister's  welfiire  and 
"  that,  to  me,  is  more  valuable  than  Life  itself. 

"  In  the  first  place,  the  principal  point  w*^''  appears  so  strong  in  my 
"  view  is  with  regard  to  y<=  difference  of  religion,  which  I  find  has  not  that 
"weight  with  thee  as  I  could  wish.  Neither  has  it  ever  appeared  that 
"  thou  was  (not)  oversanguine  in  y"  promoting  such  allyances  :  always 
"  judging  those  that  professed  religion  with  not  (being)  sincere,  having 
"  other  motives  in  view  than  honesty — and  therefore  all  such  was 
"  slighted  and  even  not  allowed  the  common  civilities  that  was  necessary 
"  in  such  cases,  greatness  and  grandeur  being  the  principall  things  in  view. 
"  Nothing  less  than  nobility  or  men  of  large  estates,  where  earthly 
"  Homage  was  to  be  paid  was  looked  at :  and  w'''  such  notions  thy 
"  daughters  have  been  fed  from  childhood,  as  if  their  birth  in  this  world 
"  was  only  designed  for  pleasure  and  recreation  and  their  Souls  never 
"accountable  to  him  that  gave  them.  In  this  state  they  have  been 
"  educated  and  food  proper  for  such  dispositions  has  been  given  and 
"yett  notwithstanding  I  have  seen  at  times  the  Almighty  hand  secretly 
"  at  work  when  it  has  been  out  of  their  power  even  to  hyde  the  blessed 
"  effects  it  produced  :  and  I  must  say  had  there  been  as  much  care  to 
"  nurture  that  noble  principle  as  there  was  to  encourage  pride,  thy 
"  daughters  would  have  been  a  blessing  to  themselves  and  to  Society. 
"  Before  I  leave  this  subject  I  must  crave  Liberty  to  dissent  in  Judg- 
"  ment  with  respect  to  two  great  fitts  of  sickness  my  Sister  was  visited 
"with.  The  first  was  in  the  lifetime  of  my  late  Mother,  the  other 
"  since,  both  which  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  was  a  visitation  from 
"the  Almighty  in  order  to  rectify  her  Inside  and  so  form  both  Soul  and 
"  body  for  his  peculiar  use  and  service  :  and  that  her  illness  had  no 
"  tendency  to  that  which  is  vulgarly  called  Histericks  in  Women  & 
"  Vapours   in   Men,   names  commonly  given  bv  Physicians  when   they 


1749  ELIOT   PAPERS  I3 

"can't  comprehend  the  Disorder.  Therefore  its  no  wonder  their 
"  prescriptions  has  such  bad  tendency  with  it,  seeing  their  knowledge 
"  being  only  the  production  of  their  Studys — and  as  for  reveald  reHgion 
"  very  few  knows  what  it  means — and  therefore  (they)  are  not  proper 
"Judges  with  regard  to  the  malady  of  the  soul :  so  that  oftentimes  when 
"such  uncommon  cases  come  under  their  notice  they  very  frequently 
"  hurry  many  a  fine  and  tender  plant  out  of  their  senses  by  applying 
"  one  thing  for  another.  This  was  her  case,  her  mind  was  distress'' — a 
"  Fire  burned — anguish  seized  her  Soul — noe  helps  properly  adminis- 
"  tered — Death  appeared,  the  soul  not  prepared — bitter  cries  issued  for 
"  Peace — a  Salve  was  given  that  y^  violence  of  y'=  disorder  caused  the 
"  Head  to  be  light — all  complaints  of  unfitness  to  dye  proceeded  from 
"  the  want  of  right  understanding  and  therefore  none  was  thought  proper 
"  to  be  admitted  as  her  companions  who  could  in  any  degree  Sympathize 
"  with  her  in  that  condition.  So  that  notwithstanding  she  happily  re- 
"  covered,  yett  care  was  taken  to  drive  everything  away  that  had  any 
"tendency  of  thoughtfulness  out  of  her  mind,  lest  by  that  means  she 
"  should  relapse  into  that  state  which,  if  rightly  cherished,  would 
"  contribute  more  reall  sattisfaction  to  her  than  the  increase  of  wealth 
"  or  y'^  grandeur  of  Mexico. 

"  Thus  much  upon  the  subject  of  religion — and  therefore  shall  proceed 
"  upon  the  present  subject  now  in  hand  and  show  that  notwithstanding 
"  none  in  the  Society  (of  Friends)  could  be  thought  worthy  to  be  thy 
"  Son-in-law,  yett  the  offer  thou  hast  accepted  of  bears  no  proportion 
"with  such  as  are  esteemed  in  any  degree  answerable  to  what  she  has." 

The  remainder  of  the  letter  enters  into  details  of  probable  income  and 
estimates  of  the  cost  of  living  and  "  providing  a  coach  "  which  would  he 
worth  preserving  if  we  had  not  the  actual  figures  in  the  accounts  already 
alluded  to.  Philip  Eliot  sarcastically  remarks  "  This  match  being  thus 
"  settled,  to  me  appears  not  so  advantageous  as  we  would  naturally  judge 
"  from  thy  understanding,  having  been  twice  married  :  and  therefore  I  a 
"  little  admire  that  Old  Sir  Daniel  (Lambert)  who  was  never  suspected 
"  for  a  conjurer  could  so  far  prevail  on  thy  prudence  to  gett  the  blind 
"  side  of  thee  in  making  such  a  contract  so  greatly  to  y'=  disadvantage  of 
"  thy  Daughter  and  my  Sister." 

After  ending  "  Thy  most  dutyfuU  son  P.  E."  he  adds  a  postscript : 


14  ELIOT   PAPERS  1749 

"  Notwithstanding  what  I  have  wrote,  her  fortune  entittles  her  to 
"  y"^  keepg  a  coach  when  marryed  and  therefore  she  ought  to  have  one 
"  kept  for  her,  she  deserving  more  than  that  favour  grant"^  if  they  did  but 
"  know  her  reall  value." 

Phihp  Ehot  may  have  been  caustic  in  his  remarks,  but  he  was  a  loving 
brother  and  I  fear  that  his  forecast  of  the  match  was  only  too  true. 


CHAPTER   IV. 
JOHN    ELIOT  (III)     EARLY    DAYS 


Our  next  Letter  is  from  Philip  Eliot  to  his  nephew,  then  about  1 5  years 
old,  and  is  the  first  ghmpse  we  gain  of  the  relations  between  the  Uncle 
and  Nephew. 

"  London  y"  j"^  10"'  Mo.,  1750. 

"  Dear  Nephew 

"  I  suppose  last  seventh  day  thou  was  at  a  Loss  to  know  the 
"  meaning  of  my  cold  behaviour  towards  thee,  which  proceeded  from  noe 
"  other  cause  than  thy  own  conduct  and  lest  thou  shouldst  pretend 
"  ignorance,  I  here,  in  part,  set  it  down.  In  the  first  place,  the  little 
"  regard  thou  pays  to  what  I  say  :  thou  mayst  remember  when  I  spoke  to 
"  thee  about  going  out  of  meeting  before  it  was  over,  thou  told  me  thou 
"  didst  not  love  to  be  reprimanded  and  went  from  my  house  with 
"  displeasure  and  thy  actions  has  confirmed  the  same  ever  since. 

"  Notwithstanding  thou  hast  come  twice  after,  yett  it  has  been  more 
"formall  than  reall  affection.  All  which  visits  I  disregard  and  would 
"  rather  be  without  than  receive  them.  I  wonder  thou  don't  rebuke  my 
"  Father  for  his  advice.  He  is  thy  guardian  and  so  am  I,  nay  more,  by 
"the  right  of  thy  Father's  settlement  and  will,  so  that  I  am  entrusted 
"with  thy  oversight  in  a  double  capacity,  and  therefore  I  think  my  advice 
"  ought  not  to  be  received  with  contempt.  However  I  plainly  see  thou 
"  esteems  thyself  wise  and  knows  better  than  others  can  inform  thee, 
"  being  puffed  up  with  the  flatteries  of  evill  minded  people,  that  thy 
"  station  is  fixed  in  an  exalted  state,  there  is  no  occasion  to  regard  the 


1 6  ELIOT   PAPERS  175O 

"  advice  of  any,  for  which  cause  thou  contents  thyself  with  one  Meeting 
"  a  day  and  even  that  one  thou  regards  not  the  time  of  its  gathering.  Its 
"  often  a  full  hour  after  the  time  fixed  and  sometimes  later  before  thou 
"  comes,  so  that  its  plain  thou  hast  no  thought  of  decency  neither  any 
"sense  what  thou  comes  there  for — Such  devotion  may  as  well  be 
"  performed  at  home,  in  a  CofTy  house  or  any  where  else.  Thou  art  past 
"  the  state  of  childhood  therefore  its  high  time  thy  understanding  should 
"  be  occupied  with  other  thoughts     .... 

"  As  to  thy  late  breakfasting  time  with  y'-'  family,  that  might  be 
"  rectified  provided  thou  lyed  not  so  long  abed  :  besides  I  believe  thy 
"  Master  would  very  willingly  lett  thee  have  thy  breakfast  sooner  rather 
"  than  cause  disorder  in  a  religious  Society.  Its  true  some  comes  as  late 
"  as  thee,  but  what  avails  that,  seeing  every  one  must  answer  for  himself, 
"  therefore  those  who  desires  to  reap  some  benefit  by  coming  ought  to 
"  be  early  in  order  that  they  may  secure  a  seat  out  of  the  throng,  that  so 
"thy  mind  being  quiet  and  fixt  upon  God  in  his  own  time  he  will  appear 
"  to  thy  soul  ....  so  that  thou  shall  be  a  Citty  set  upon  a  hill  whose 
"  light  cannot  be  obscured  and  as  a  blessing  to  all  thy  friends  and 
"  acquaintances.  Butt  on  the  other  hand,  if  thou  should  turn  a  deaf  ear 
"  to  repeated  advices  and  admonitions  and  persue  thy  own  inclinations 
"  doing  that  which  is  right  in  thy  own  depraved  sight,  letting  thy  own 
"  wild  ungoverned  nature  predominate  by  fixing  laws  to  thy  actions, 
"  remember  this — all  thy  hopes  will  be  frustrated,  thy  expectations  will 
"come  to  nothing,  thy  Fortune  will  be  soon  too  strait  for  thee,  thou'U  be 
"  a  curse  instead  of  a  blessing  to  thy  relations,  and  above  all  this  be 
"  counted  an  enemy  to  God — May  this  never  be  thy  portion  nor  the  Lott 
"  of  thy  inheritance  is  the  earnest  desire  of  thy  truly  aflfectionate  Uncle 
"  Phillip  Eliot. 

"  P.S.  ...  I  have  often  asked  thee  for  acct.  how  thou  spends  thy 
"  money,  but  hitherto  refused,  I  find  thee  expects  two  Guinneys  per 
"  month  for  pocket  expences,  now  pray  consider  where  this  will  lead  to 
"  — if  the  first  year  thou  requires  such  a  sum,  the  second  year  thou'll 
"  want  more  and  so  encrease  every  year  as  the  time  grows  shorter — Dost 
"  thou  think  this  conduct  will  be  inducem*  for  thy  Grandfather  and  myself 
"to  add  to  thy  fortune — I  tell  thee  nay — neither  he  nor  I  dont  love  to 
"  enrich  such  who  are  not  frugall  of  their  own  fortunes.  I  remember 
"  very  well  the  great  danger  youth  are  lyable  to  in  having  money  at  will 


1750—1756  ELIOT   PAPERS  I7 

"  and  spending  it  without  control.  I  don't  intend  to  infuse  the  spirit  of 
"  covetousness,  for  that  I  hate,  yett  as  thou  art  endued  with  a  good 
"  understanding  1  would  have  thee  act  with  prudence,  redeeming  what  is 
"  past  and  if  thou  hast  not  forgot  all  duty  and  gratitude  endeavour  to 
"  discover  thy  true  friends  and  prefer  their  company  before  those  who 
"  thou  canst  not  edify  by." 

That  the  boy  of  15  did  not  resent  this  very  plain  speaking  is  shown  by 
the  fact  that  he  endorsed  the  letter  "  from  my  dear  Uncle  "  and  replied  to 
it  two  da3's  after  receipt.  We  have  no  copy  of  this  reply  but  we  may 
remark  that  the  letter  was  only  the  first  of  many  scoldings  from  the 
anxious  and  perhaps  irritable  Uncle  to  which  the  younger  man  in  later 
years  replied  with  exemplary  respect  and  genuine  humility,  thanking  his 
guardian  for  the  advice  given  and  asking  him  to  continue  to  let  him  have 
the  benefit  of  his  experience. 

The  mention  of  "  the  family "  with  whom  he  was  living  raises  the 
question  whether  he  was  at  a  private  tutor's  or  already  apprenticed  after 
the  fashion  of  that  day.  I  believe  that  the  latter  theory  is  correct  and 
that  he  was  learning  the  business  of  a  merchant,  for  at  an  early  age  he 
shows  a  thorough  knowledge  of  mercantile  matters  and  writes  in  a  way 
which  implies  that  he  had  already  gained  considerable  experience  in 
business. 

I  find  no  Journal  between  1750  and  1756.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
young  John  Eliot  kept  very  full  journals*  but  that  he  destroyed  them  in 
later  years,  not  looking  back  with  entire  satisfaction  on  that  period  of 
his  life. 

In  1756,  he  travelled  over  his  lather's  and  uncle's  old  ground  to 
7'opsham,  Liskeard  and  Falmouth,  and  we  have  several  letters  from  these 
places  chiefly  relating  to  the  management  of  the  Chappell  property  at 
Topsham.  They  are  remarkably  well  expressed  and  business-like  for  so 
young  a  man,  but  his  Uncle  was  evidently  afraid  of  his  not  being  firm 
enough  in  his  dealings  with  the  agent  and  tenants.  I  think  however 
that  the  Nephew  has  the  best  of  it.  As  regards  his  traveUing,  he  tells 
his  Uncle  "  You'll  be  glad  to  hear  I  know,  how  I  like  my  Horses  and 
"  iMan  :  the  first  I  am  charmed  with,  especially  Justice  who  is  admired  by 


*  The  pr.actice  of   lirr-ping  a  Diary  \v.is  inlieritcJ  from   his  Motlier's  family.      Tlie  Diary  of  her  father 
beginning  in  1703,  is  still  extant. 


tg  ELIOT   PAPERS  1756 

'  everybody.  I  can't  say  so  much  of  John  :  he  does  not  do  his  business 
'  with  that  cheerfulness  and  despatch  I  could  wish  "  and  again  "  My  Man 
'  gives  me  the  most  Trouble,  he  being  of  a  sullen  and  lazy  disposition 
'which  makes  me  often  chide  him,  but  this  I  must  say  to  his  praise 
'  that  he  appears  to  be  very  honest." 

In  one  of  these  letters  there  is  a  curious  reference  to  the  current 
events  of  the  day,  certain  "  Cellars  by  the  Dock  "  being  let  "  to  one  Dr. 
"  Glass  who  hires  them  for  sugar  pans,  his  Sugar  house  betwixt  this  place 
"and  Exeter  being  taken  by  the  Government /(?r  the  reception  of  French 
^'  prisoners  r 

In  a  letter  from  Falmouth  he  discusses  a  joint  venture  with  his  Grand- 
father and  Uncle  in  a  consignment  of  Cornish  tin  to  Venice,  and  other 
business  matters,  in  a  way  which  shows  that  he  had  a  clear  head  and 
good  power  of  expressing  himself. 

His  old  Grandfather  wrote  him  brief  but  kindly  letters,  as  for  instance  : 

"  LONDON  4  Aug.  1756. 
"  Dear  Grandson 

"  Y"  fro  Dorchester  of  y"'  Health  gave  me  much  sattisfaction,  of 
'  \\^  I  advise  y°  to  be  very  carefuU  and  your  detaill  of  y'^  occurences  of 
'  y  Travells  did  not  give  a  little  entertainm^  to  y  Aunts  ....  I 
'expect  (?)  y""  seeing  in  Cornwall  every  remarkable  thing  there,  that 
'  y°  do  not  return  a  novice  to  w'  that  County  contains.  I  desire  y°  early 
'  advise  me  y^  behaviour  of  people  to  y  and  y^  remarks  y°  make  of  what 
'  y°  see  .  .  .  Your  sister  goes  to  Croydon  on  Friday  next,  where 
'  yf  Aunt  Lambert  now  is.     My  best  wishes  attend  y°  "  &.c. 

After  this  time  we  have  copious  diaries  of  John  EHot  III.  to  help  us. 
I  think  it  was  not  by  accident  that  the  journals  which  are  preserved 
began  in  1757.  This  was  the  critical  year  in  his  life.  Up  to  this  time 
he  had  evidently  lived  an  outwardly  blameless  life,  but  he  had  as  yet  found 
no  anchorage  and  the  question  still  hung  in  the  balance  in  which  way  his 
earnest  and  decided  character  was  to  develop. 


CHAPTER  V. 
A  FEW  WORDS  EXPLANATORY  OF  WHAT  FOLLOWS 


And  here  we  may  remark  that  for  a  young  Quaker  of  those  days  there 
seems  to  have  been  no  ahernative  but  either  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the 
particular  form  of  religion  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up,  or  to  neglect 
spiritual  matters  altogether.  They  seem  to  have  had  no  acquaintance 
with  spiritually  minded  men  of  other  denominations.  I  know  of  no 
instance  in  which  a  young  "  Friend  "  of  this  period  threvv'  off  the  peculiar 
restraints  of  his  Society  without  turning  his  back  entirely  on  religion. 
The  Church  of  England  appeared  to  them  as  a  reprobate  agency  for  seiz- 
ing their  silver  spoons  for  the  support  of  a  "  hireling  priesthood  "  !  and 
it  is  observable  that  they  never  seem  to  have  had  any  sympathy  with  the 
other  Dissenting  Bodies,  whose  principles  as  to  paid  Ministry  and  the 
like  were  as  abhorrent  to  them  as  those  of  the  Established  Church  as 
we  see  from  time  to  time  in  the  diaries  and  letters. 

I  can  well  remember  the  discussions  that  took  place  in  the  Yearly 
Meeting  of  the  Society,  about  1857,  on  the  question  whether  the  "  Plain- 
ness of  speech,  behaviour  and  apparel "  which  their  principles  demanded, 
necessarily  \\\s oh: tA peculiarity.  The  decision  arrived  at  (in  the  negative) 
was  undoubtedly  right  and,  indeed,  inevitable,  when  the  question  came  to 
be  discussed  on  the  highest  grounds ;  though  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  in  giving  up  their  peculiarities  the  Society  surrendered  one  great 
means  by  which  they  had  accomplished  a  most  remarkable  mission  in  the 
Church  and  in  the  State.  But,  in  1757,  no  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  had  any  doubt  on  the  point.    The  Quakers  of  the  XVII  and  early 


20  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

XVIII  centuries  firmly  believed  that  they  were  the  "  Chosen  people" — 
"  The  Seed  " — and  that  their  doctrines  were  "  Truth  "  or  "  the  Blessed 
Truth."  In  the  marriage  certificate  of  John  Eliot,  in  1 706,  they  style 
themselves  "  The  People  of  God,  called  Quakers" — and  though  this  form 
of  expression  had  been  modified  to  "  the  people  called  Quakers  "  before 
the  date  of  his  grandson's  marriage,  yet  the  Society  held  firmly  to  the  belief 
that  they  were  called  by  God  to  bear  their  testimony  unflinchingly  against 
numerous  opinions  and  practices  of  the  world  around,  against  which  they 
considered  that  "the  Lord  had  a  controversy"  and  to  signify  the  same  in 
their  dress  and  behaviour. 

Some  of  the  principal  points  of  this  "  Testimony  "  were  : 
— Against  the  changing  fashions  of  the  world  in  the  matter  of  dress ; 
theoretically,  they  never  varied  their  costumes,  but  practically,  they 
were  always  about  half  a  century  behind  the  world  —  against  all 
respect  of  persons,  as  shown  in  the  plural  form  of  address,  "  you," 
instead  of  "  thou," — and  against  the  recognition  of  heathen  gods  in 
the  names  of  the  days  of  the  week  and  of  the  months,  hence 
their  conversation  could  not  fail  to  be  peculiar — against  all  worldly 
titles ;  thus  we  find  John  Eliot  using  curious  circumlocutions  in 
speaking  of  his  Uncle,  by  marriage.  Sir  John  Bridger,  such  as 
"J.  Bridger  who  had  been  previously  knighted",  "J.  Bridger,  known  as 
Sir  John  Bridger  Knt." — against  all  outward  respect,  either  to  men  or 
places,  as  shown  by  removing  the  hat,  even  in  a  place  of  worship  or 
a  Court  of  Justice  and — against  all  judicial  oaths ;  both  these  things 
brought  them  into  constant  collision  with  the  judicial  authorities 
— against  all  war,  and,  consequently,  against  all  public  rejoicings 
and  illuminations  in  celebration  of  victories  ;  this  drew  down  upon 
them  the  frequent  anger  of  the  mob,  who  broke  their  windows  and 
threatened  their  persons  —  against  all  paid  Ministry  of  the  Gospel; 
hence  they  refused  all  tithes  and  church  rates  (or  " steeple-house  rates" 
as  they  preferred  to  call  them) — against  all  music,  private  or  public, 
and  against  all  "vain  sports"  such  as  hunting,  shooting,  &c.,  and,  of 
course,  all  theatres. 

It  will  easily  be  seen  how  these  peculiarities  could  not  fail  to  bring 
them  into  painful  and  constant  collision  with  the  views  of  their  neigh- 
bours. In  early  days  they  suffered  repeated  imprisonments,  and  even 
when  this  ceased  they  had  to  face  the  sneers  and  coldness  of  their  own 
class,  while  the  more  ignorant  mob  often  vented  their  displeasure  in 
violent  acts. 


1757  ELIOT   PAPERS  21 

It  followed  that  almost  all  professions  were  closed  to  them.  Of 
course  they  could  not  enter  the  Army  or  the  Church,  and  the  ditficulty 
about  oaths  seems  to  have  prevented  their  practising  Law.  Medicine 
was  open  to  such  as  cared  to  flice  the  petty  persecutions  "s^'hich  they 
would  have  to  undergo  as  students,  and  some  attained  eminence  in  this 
line,  notably  Dr.  John  Fothergill  who  attended  Philip  Eliot  in  his  last 
illness,  but  who  is  better  known  as  the  founder  of  the  great  Public  School 
for  "  Friends "  at  Ackworth,  in  Yorkshire,  where  many  worthy  and 
several  celebrated  men  and  women  were  educated.  I  believe  that  John 
Bright  received  his  education  there. 

The  same  difficulty  about  oaths  precluded  their  becoming  Justices  of 
the  Peace,  although  there  were  very  many  among  their  number  who  were 
eminently  suitable  for  discharging  the  heavy  responsibilities  of  that  office. 
I  believe  that  the  first  Quaker  who  accepted  any  title  was  the  Right 
Honourable  Sir  Edward  Fry  (the  husband  of  a  great  grand-daughter  of 
John  Eliot)  who  consented  to  be  knighted  on  becoming  one  of  the  Judges 
of  the  Fligh  Court.  The  second  instance  was  that  of  Sir  Joseph  Whit- 
well  Pease,  Bart.  These,  I  believe,  are  the  only  members  of  the  Society 
who  bear  titles  except  the  Countess  of  Portsmouth,  a  niece  of  Sir  J.  W. 
Pease,  and  one  gentleman  in  Ireland  who  has  accepted  a  knighthood. 

In  all  matters  which  did  not  clash  with  their  peculiar  views  they  were 
the  mo.st  blameless  of  citizens.  Their  unequalled  system  of  Church 
Government  kept  up  a  standard  of  conduct  which  could  scarcely  be 
matched  by  any  other  religious  body :  and  their  principles  obliged  them 
to  be  as  punctual  in  paying  their  debts  to  their  creditors,  and  the  "  Cus- 
toms, Duties  and  Excise  "  due  to  the  King,  as  they  were  resolute  not  to 
pay  tithes  or  Church-rates  to  the  Parson.  To  their  poorer  members 
they  always  showed  the  most  generous  sympathy  and,  as  the  pressure  of 
persecution  lessened,  they  became  more  and  more  conspicuous  in  all 
forms  of  philanthropy. 

What  rendered  them  most  difficult  to  deal  with  and,  indeed,  impossible 
to  overcome,  was  the  fact  that  they  never  returned  evil  for  evil  and  that 
their  resistance  was  always  passive.  You  may  put  down  rioters  by  force 
of  arms,  you  may  silence  platform  orators  by  argument,  but  what  can  you 
do  with  people  whose  lives  are  blameless  and  who  are  content  to  go 
quietly  to  prison  or  to  have  their  goods  seized  without  resistance  ? 


22  ELIOT   PAPERS  I757 

"  Vincit  qui  patitur  " — and  so  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Justices  grew 
tired  of  sending  their  most  respected  neighbours  to  prison,  and  it  was 
vexatious  to  the  Parsons  to  be  always  seizing  the  goods  of  their  kindest 
parishioners ;  and  gradually  the  Quakers  were  allowed  to  have  their  own 
way,  and  they  have  made  their  mark  indelibly  on  State  as  well  as  on 
Church.  Few  Englishmen  in  the  present  day  consider  how  much  of 
their  boasted  civil  and  religious  liberty  they  owe  to  the  patient 
"  Testimony  "  of  the  old   Friends. 

As  regards  their  own  inner  life,  the  fact  that  their  central  tenet  was 
the  strong  belief  in  the  direct  operation  of  the  Indwelling  Spirit  of  Christ 
on  the  mind  of  every  true  Christian,  rendered  their  lives  one  continual 
state  of  watching  for  the  shining  of  the  Inward  Light  and  of  listening  for 
the  Inward  Voice. 

We  cannot  too  highly  reverence  the  watchfulness  of  conduct  and 
absolute  devotion  to  duty  which  resulted  from  this  attitude  of  mind,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  all  their  service  for  their  Master  was  performed  under 
the  sense  of  a  burden  laid  upon  them,  which  bowed  them  down  until 
they  were  "  discharged  ",  and  we  seldom  or  never  find  them  experiencing 
the  "Joy  of  the  Lord"  as  their  "strength."  And  a  still  more  serious 
danger  to  a  healthy  spiritual  condition  lurked  in  the  background.  If  the 
impulses  of  the  mind  were  the  direct  voice  of  Christ  speaking  to  them, 
how  could  they  distinguish  the  morbid  scruples  which  are  apt  to  assail 
every  thoughtful  heart,  and  need  to  be  brought  to  some  higher  test  before 
they  are  recognised  as  the  call  of  duty  ?  No  one  who  has  not  experi- 
enced the  weight  of  the  chain,  can  have  any  idea  of  the  burden  of  these 
terrible  scruples — a  burden  which,  truly,  "  neither  our  fathers  nor  we 
were  able  to  bear." 

Those  who  come  in  contact  with  the  Friends  of  the  present  day,  so 
rich  in  good  works,  so  joj'ful  in  their  service  and  so  clear  in  their  evan- 
gelical doctrine,  can  form  little  idea  of  the  strange  mysticism  which 
deeply  tinged  the  Quakerism  under  which  the  EHots  and  their  contem- 
poraries lived,  as  seen  in  the  religious  books  which  they  read,  in  their 
letters  and  in  the  copious  extracts  from  sermons  which  form  a  large 
portion  of  the  Journals  which  have  come  down  to  us. 

Note.  Of  the  personal  character  of  these  men  and  women  it  is 
impossible  to  speak  too  highly.  In  going  through  nearly  200  years  of 
family  papers  we  do  not  find  a  scandal. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BROTHER    AND    SISTER 
JOHN    AND     MARIABELLA    ELIOT 


We  now  come  to  the  Journals  of  John  Eliot  III,  beginning  in  February, 
1757.  We  find  him  keeping  house  with  his  sister,  Mariabella,  he  being 
about  23  years  old  and  she  21. 

They  were  evidently  deeply  attached  to  each  other,  and  it  must  have 
been  a  happy  little  household.  They  were  living  in  that  interesting 
corner  of  Old  London  known  as  Bartholomew  Close,  where  they  owned 
several  houses  inherited  from  the  Briggins  family. 

The  Uncle,  Philp  Eliot,  lived  in  Bucklersbury,  and  the  old  Grandfather 
in  Bartholomew  Lane,*  with  a  country  house  at  Croydon.  His  three 
daughters  by  the  second  marriage  were  living  with  him  :  Rebecca  being 
not  yet  married  to  Sir  John  Bridger.  His  second  wife  was  not  living, 
but  I  have  not  found  the  date  of  her  death.  The  young  John  Eliot 
evidently  had  great  reverence  for  his  Grandfather  and  he  held  his  Aunts 
in  much  awe.  I  fancy  that,  although  nominally  Quakers,  the  second 
family  were  by  way  of  being  grand  people. 

It  seems  to  have  been  the  general  practice  of  these  old  London 
Merchants  to  have  a  house  in  the  City  where  they  were  close  to  their 
business,  and  also  a  comfortable  retreat  a  few  miles  off,  easily  accessible 
by  road,  whither  they  could  retire  in  the  summer.  John  and  Mariabella 
had  no  country  house  as  yet,  but  that  was  to  come  before  long. 

*  The  space  now  occupied  by  the  Bank  of  England  was  then  a  whole  parish  of  houses,  with  a  Church. 


24  ELIOT   PAPERS  I757 

We  may  picture  him  as  a  rlieerful  looking  young  man,  with  a  wig, 
either  flowing  or  close  curled,  (there  were  various  forms  in  vogue) 
handsomely  dressed  in  the  fashion  of  the  day,  with  rather  long  knee 
breeches,  silk  stockings  and  buckled  shoes  coming  about  as  high  up  the 
leg  in  front  as  our  modern  laced  boots,  a  coat  with  rather  full  skirts 
reaching  to  the  knees,  and  long  sleeves  just  showing  a  lace  ruffle — a 
three-cocked  gold  laced  hat  with  the  point  in  front — not  too  closely 
cocked,  which  would  be  foppish,  nor  yet  too  shady,  which  would  be 
unfashionable  :  a  sword  on  state  occasions  and  a  gold-headed  cane.  (He 
had  a  gold-headed  cane  and  buckles  which  belonged  to  his  Father.) 
Mariabella  would  probably  be  dressed  in  handsome  material  of  a  quiet 
colour,  cut  square  in  front  and  with  an  outer  robe  much  resembling  a 
modern  tea  gown  (which  is  probably  copied  from  that  period.)  Her  hair 
would  be  prettily  dressed ;  for  the  fashion  of  those  terrible  erections, 
several  inches  above  the  head,  which  we  see  in  many  pictures  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  had  not  yet  come  in.  Their  house  would  doubt- 
less strike  the  present  generation  as  rather  bare  of  furniture,  but 
every  piece  would  be  a  gem  in  these  days — the  chief  decoration  would  be 
valuable  china,  and  their  sideboard  and  tea  table  would  display  plate  with 
the  family  arms.     We  learn  that  their  dinner  service  was  of  pewter. 

Uncle  Philip  Eliot,  who  was  a  "  plain  friend,"  would  be  dressed  in  drab 
or  snuflf-coloured  garments,  with  grey  stockings  and  low  square  shoes 
and  a  hat,  the  brim  of  which  was  tin-ned  up  on  the  three  sides  rather  than  ■ 
cocked,  the  precursor  of  the  "  broad  brim  "  so  familiar  in  the  first  half 
of  the  present  century.  This  dress  was  actually  kept  up  till  about  1865 
by  two  eccentric  old  gentlemen  of  the  name  of  Bratt,  living  at  Winchmore 
Hill,  and  it  was  commonlv  reported  that  their  property  had  been  left  to 
them  on  the  condition  of  their  retaining  the  ancient  Quaker  dress. 
There  was  also  an  old  man  named  Marriage,  a  watchman  at  the  Gold- 
smiths' Alliance,  in  Cornhill,  who  was  often  seen  about  the  City  in  a 
near  approach  to  the  old  dress,  until  some  15  years  later. 

As  for  the  outside  world ;  in  1757,  George  H.  was  on  the  throne  :  the 
Seven  Years  War  was  raging  abroad,  and  Clive  was  beginning  the  con- 
quest of  India,  the  battle  of  Plassey  being  fought  in  June  of  this  year, 
and  Calcutta  having  been  captured  the  year  before. 


1757  ELIOT  PAPERS  25 

It  is  observable  throughout  the  Journal  that  there  existed  a  strong 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  paternal  Grandfather  and  Uncle  of  the 
influence  of  John  and  Mariabella's  maternal  relations.  This  was  rather 
hard  upon  the  young  people,  for  they  had  no  other  near  relatives  of  their 
own  age  except  the  Turners  of  Lurgan,  who  were  inaccessible  and 
moreover  not  very  satisfactory.  To  this  feeling  may  be  ascribed  many 
unkind  remarks  of  the  Uncle  Philip  Eliot  about  the  Hows  of  Aspley, 
which  do  not  appear  to  have  been  fully  justified  by  the  character  of  these 
descendants  of  the  Briggins  family,  some  of  whom  certainly  turned  out 
highly  respectable  and  worthy  people.* 

See  pa<>e  103  and  some  notes  on  the  How  fan:i]v,  Part  II,  pages  71,  72. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
JOHN    ELIOT'S    JOURNALS 

1757 


The  early  pages  of  the  Journal  enter  into  quite  Pepysian  details  as 
regarded  the  daily  routine,  such  as — "  Wednesday,  Feb.  16.  Rose  at  7. 
"  Wrote  till  8.  Wash'*  my  hands  and  face  :  Breakfasted  (milk  porridge) 
"wrote  till  12.  Dressed  &  went  to  my  Uncle  Philip  Eliot's  in  Bucklers- 
"  bury  hearing  he  was  ill  .  .  My  Uncle  said  a  great  many  disagreeable 
■'  things  about  my  going  to,  and  stay  at,  Aspley"  to  which  I  replied  that 
■'  being  conscious  to  myself  of  having  done  nothing  to  deserve  blame,  I 
"  should  make  myself  easy  under  his  displeasure  or  that  of  anv  one  else 
"  .  .  In  the  afternoon  went  to  Bartholomew  Lane.  My  Grandfather 
"  not  at  home.  Aunts  in  a  very  ill  humour.  So  came  away  and  went  to 
"  Sam's  Coffee  House  and  from  thence  home.  Read  till  8,  supped  and 
"  went  to  bed  at  lO.  Dull  heavy  weather  almost  all  day  ";  ending  with  a 
note  as  to  his  digestion.  On  Feb.  18,  he  found  his  Uncle  a  good  deal 
better,  and,  one  may  hope,  in  better  humour.  "  Left  my  watch  to 
"  mend  at  D.  Bowly's  and  bespoke  a  seal  of  him  with  my  Arms,  &c." 
This  is  interesting,  for  in  later  years  J.  E.  conceived  such  a  strong 
scruple  against  armorial  bearings,  that  he  succeeded  in  entirely  obliterating 
every  trace  of  the  arms  then  borne  by  the  family.  His  descendants  would 
give  much  to  discover  the  seal  in  question. 

*  Aspley,  in  Bedfordshire,  was  the  residence  of  his  maternal  Uncle,  R.  How. 

C2 


28  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

The  next  day  he  subscribes  for  30  Lottery  Tickets  at  a  guinea  apiece 
and  then  goes  to  see  about  his  seal.  Further  details  of  his  washing 
arrangements  before  going  to  bed.  On  Sunday  he  goes  with  his  Sister 
to  "  Peel  Meeting."  This  was  a  Meeting  House  of  the  Friends  which 
still  stands,  apparently  little  altered  since  his  day,  in  Peel  Court,  St.  John 
St.,  West  Smithfield,  very  near  that  fine  relic  of  old  days,  St.  John's  Gate. 
If  the  young  people  were  living  in  Bartholomew  Close  it  would  be  within 
a  few  minutes  walk  across  Smithfield. 

To  avoid  constant  repetitions  we  may  say  that  he  appears,  even  in 
these  rather  thoughtless  days  to  have  gone  regularly  to  "  Meeting  "  twice 
on  the  Sunday,  and  on  Tuesday  and  Friday,  either  at  "  The  Peel "  or 
"  Gracechurch  Street,"  and  generally  adds  a  short  note  of  any  sermons 
which  he  had  heard.  Gracechurch  Street  Meeting  House  stood  in  a 
court,  behind  the  junction  of  Gracechurch  St.  with  Lombard  St.,  near 
Plough  Court.  It  was  burnt  down  in  1 820 — when  many  valuable 
records  of  the  Society  were  destroyed — but  was  rebuilt,  for  I  remember 
it  about  1858.      It  was  finally  pulled  down  some  years  ago. 

I  fear  that  his  Uncle  Philip  Eliot's  anxiety  about  his  ways  was  not 
always  without  cause.  He  generally  went  to  bed  at  10,  but  when  his 
"  Cousin  How  "  was  with  him  they  kept  it  up  rather  late  for  those  days 
— thus  on  Tuesday,  Feby  22,  he  actually  "  Did  not  go  to  bed  till  almost 
"  12 — N.B.  Jos.  Lovell  sent  in  by  my  order  this  day  2  dozen  best  Rum." 
The  next  day  he  remarks  "  I  was  very  faint  abt  12  this  morning  W-''  per- 
"  haps  might  be  owing  to  drinking  Punch  over  night."  His  Doctor 
however,  whom  he  consulted,  recommended  him  to  "  leave  off"  Coffee 
'■  and  Tea  "  !  On  Feb.  25th  "  After  Meeting  went  to  How's  (the  gold- 
"  smith's)  and  bespoke  a  silver  punch  ladle."  J.  E.  had  a  curious  habit 
of  writing  in  French  whenever  he  had  anything  special  to  say — perhaps 
he  thought  his  Journal  might  come  under  prying  eyes.  (His  French 
was  not  "  the  French  of  Stratford  atte  Bowe,"  but,  on  the  other  hand,  not 
quite  "  the  French  of  Paris.")  Thus,  "  Went  with  Cousin  How  to  Alders- 
"  gate  Street  Coffee  House  and  from  thence  to  my  Grandf^  II  etoit 
"  tres  colere  contre  moi  pour  avoir  prete  I'oreille,  disoit  il,  a  I'homme 
"  qu'il  haissoit,  savoir  R.  H."  (the  maternal  Cousin.)* 

'  J.  E.  also  wrote  occasionally  in  shorthand,  hut  he  was  kind  enough  to  leave  a  memorandum  that  he 
never  wrote  anything  of  importance  in  this  wa\ which  saves  his  biographer  a  great  deal  of  trouble. 


1757  HLIOT   PAPERS  29 

On  March  loth,  in  company  with  Cousin  How  and  M.  Zachary,  he 
keeps  it  up  till  4  in  the  morning,  and  consequently,  is  "  not  up  till  10 
"  the  next  morning" — his  usual  hour  being  7. 

Occasionally  he  "  puts  on  his  boots  "  and  takes  a  constitutional  ride  to 
"  Endfield  "  or  "  Highgate  and  Mousewell  Hill "  or  to  the  South  of  London. 
We  frequently  meet  with  the  name  of  one,  Judy  Boddington,  who  was 
often  with  his  Sister.  The  recurrence  of  the  name  might  suggest  that 
there  was  some  "  tendresse  "  between  him  and  her,  but  I  do  not  think  it 
went  very  deep ;  occasionally  when  they  had  not  got  on  so  well  as  usual 
she  becomes  "Judith  Boddington." 

There  are  casual  notices  of  the  passing  events  of  the  day.  "  Stocks 
"  fell  from  the  apprehension  of  a  war  with  Spain."  "  I  am  told  to-day 
"  that  poor  Capt.  Godard  of  the  Tuscany  is  taken  by  the  French  and 
"  carried  into  Marseilles."  "  Adm'-  B — g  (the  Bill  being  rejected  by  the 
"  Lords)  is  to  suffer  at  last,  they  say." 

May  21.  "  Yesterday  we  have  the  news  of  the  Kg  of  Prussia  gaining 
"  a  complete  victory  over  the  Austrians  near  Prague,  and  taken  that  City 
"  from  them." 

June  6.  "  India  stock  fallen  12  p.  ct.  on  the  news  of  the  Turks  having 
"  ruined  Bengal."  (The  capture  of  Calcutta  by  Surajah  Dowlah,  and 
the  tragedy  of  the  Black  Hole  took  place  in  June,  1756.  It  is  strange 
that  the  news  should  have  taken  just  twelve  months  to  reach  England.) 

July  22.  "  There  is  advice  of  our  settlem'  Calcutta  being  retaken  from 
"  the  Moors  by  Watson's  Squadron."  (?  the  re-capture,  under  Clive,  on 
January  2,  1757.) 

Oct.  4.  "  Advice  came  by  the  Flanders  mail  that  our  Fleet  under 
"  Adm'  Hawke  has  taken  3  Islands  from  y^  French  in  y^  Bay  of  Biscay — 
"  viz'  Isle  of  Re,  Oleron  and  Daix  commands  Rochelle,  Rochfort  and 
"  Bourdeaux  whereby  they  will  have  an  advantageous  Station  to  intercept 
"  all  ships  coming  to  those  ports." 

Oct.  6.  "  An  express  come  by  the  Viper  Sloop  from  Adm'  Hawke 
"  with  advice  they  say  that  Rochfort  is  too  well  fortified  to  make  a 
"  descent  upon  it." 


30  ELIOT   PAPERS  I757 

Oct.  7.     "  At  6  to  Lloyd's  where  it  is  reputed  our  fleet  under  Hawke 
"  is  returned  to  Portsmouth — if  so  it  went  out  to  very  Httle  purpose." 

Oct.  8.     "  Now  certain  that  our  fleet  is  ref*  to  Portsm''  after  taking  the 
"  little  Island  of  Aix." 

Oct.  II.     "By  a  packet  from  New  York  comes  advice  of  the  french 
"  having  taken  from  us  F^  W™  Henry,  near  Albany." 


CHAPTER  Vni. 

JOHN    ELIOT'S    JOURNALS 

HIS    CHOICE    OF    A    BUSINESS 


After  consultation  with  his  GrandfiUher  he  goes  to  Lloyd's  Coffee 
House,  and  "  subscribes  the  book  at  2  guineas  a  year  "  thereby,  I  suppose, 
formally  becoming  an  Underwriter,  for  after  this  date  we  have  frequent 
notices  that  he  "  underwrote  a  policy "  or  went  to  "  Lloyd's "  in  the 
evening.  It  is  evident  that  "  Lloyd's  "  was  still  a  genuine  Coffee  House 
like  "  Sam's",  "Jonathan's",  "the  Aldersgate  "  and  others,  the  names  of 
which  so  frequently  appear  in  the  Diary,  where  business  men  met  to 
transact  their  affairs — perhaps  specially  in  the  evening.  Now  Lloyd's  is 
a  vast  range  of  rooms  over  the  Royal  Exchange,  regulated  on  the  strictest 
business  principles — opening  at  lO  and  closing  promptly  at  4.  A  wicket 
gate  closes  the  entrance  to  all  but  the  initiated ;  strangers  have  to  wait 
without  while  the  Janitor,  in  a  stentorian  voice,  calls  out  the  name  of  the 
Firm  which  is  wanted,  again  and  again,  until  someone  comes  to  answer 
for  it.  Once  through  this  gate,  you  find  no  resemblance  to  a  coff"ee 
house  except  that  there  are  ranges  of  tables  separated  by  wooden  screens. 
At  the  tables  sit  the  Underwriters  and  their  clerks,  each  having  his 
special  place,  and  the  Insurance  Brokers  walk  about  with  slips  of  paper 
in  their  hands,  on  which  are  written  briefly  the  "  Risks  "  which  they  wish 
"  taken."  If  the  Underwriter,  to  whom  such  a  slip  is  offered,  decides  to 
accept  the  risk,  he  puts  his  initials,  with  the  amount  to  which  he  will  go : 


32  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

— generally  one  Underwriter  represents  several  persons,  thus  John  Jones 
may  represent  also  Henry  Smith,  Thomas  Brown  and  William  Robinson, 
so  he  puts 


J- 

J- 

^lOO 

H. 

s. 

100 

T. 

B. 

100 

W, 

.  R. 

100 

When  the  Broker  has  sufficient  of  these  "  lines "  to  make  up  the 
amount  to  be  insured  he  returns  to  his  office,  and  has  the  policy  made 
out,  which  is  then  taken  round  and  signed  in  full  by  the  clerks  of  the 
various  Underwriters.  The  whole  place  is  a  scene  of  busy  occupation, 
with  trampling  feet,  heat,  dust  and  a  loud  hum  of  voices.  At  one  end, 
on  a  high  stand,  is  the  "  Loss  Book  "  in  which  are  entered  the  particulars 
of  any  marine  catastrophe,  great  or  small.  Thirty  years  ago,  I  remember 
that  it  was  the  practice  that  the  name  of  any  ship  totally  lost  was  prefaced 
with  the  definite  article,  thus  "  The  Mary  Jane  "  would  show  at  a  glance 
that  she  was  totally  lost,  whereas  "  Mary  Jane  "  might  be  followed  with 
the  announcement  of  loss  of  sails,  or  slight  collision,  or  the  like.  On  a 
morning  after  a  heavy  gale  the  scene  round  the  "  Loss  Book "  is  an 
exciting  one,  everybody  crowding  round  to  .see  whether  any  of  the  ships 
which  they  have  underwritten  has  suffered,  and  many  a  long  face  may  be 
seen  when  the  definite  articles  are  numerous. 

I  believe  there  is  still  the  survival  of  the  Coffee  House  element  in  a 
side  room,  called  the  "  Captain's  Room,"  where  luncheons  may  be 
obtained  by  subscribers.  In  John  Eliot's  time  the  Captains  often  figure 
in  the  Diary  as  being  entertained  at  his  own  house — rather  promoting, 
apparently,  the  consumption  of  the  nocturnal  punch. 


CHAPTER   IX. 


TREWORGY    AND    ASPLEY 


Frequent  entries  in  the  Diary  show  that  the  old  Grandfather  was  any- 
thing but  an  easy  man  to  get  on  with ;  he  was,  evidently,  ready  to  take 
offence  at  the  smallest  matter,  and  the  Aunts — Fann3%  Becky  and  Molly, 
who  lived  with  him — were  by  no  means  peacemakers.  I  fear  that  his 
last  years  were  not  very  happy,  his  wealth  does  not  seem  to  have  brought 
him  entire  satisfaction,  and  he  gained  nothing  in  peace  of  mind  by  the 
ambitious  schemes  which  his  son  Philip  so  regretted. 

Occasionally,  however,  the  Grandson  found  the  old  gentleman  and  the 
Aunts  in  better  humour,  and  we  have  notes  such  as  "  at  seven  set  out 
"  with  my  sister  in  a  postchaise  for  Croydon,  got  there  about  lO.  Spent 
"the  day  with  Grd'"-  &  Aunts.  Deljate  with  the  latter  on  religious 
"  subjects.  Walk^  out  w''  them  in  the  afternoon.  Stopt  &  drank  Mead 
"  by  Crombe  Hurst.  Hambg.  Beef  for  dinner." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  going  to  Croydon  from  near  Smithfield 
he  had  to  cross  Old  London  Bridge — the  only  bridge  then  existing 
across  the  Thames.  This  is  clearly  marked  by  the  fact  that  he  often 
took  the  opportunity  to  call  on  his  way  to  see  a  tenant  in  Southwark — 
one  Oddy,  who  kept  an  Inn — the  King's  Head — belonging  to  the  family. 

On  June  27,  he  notes  that  he  "  rec"'  a  1'  from  J.  Trehawke  at  Liskeard 
"  in  Cornwall,  about  an  estate  to  be  sold  there."  This  was  the  beginning 
of  a  matter  of  no  small  interest  to  the  brother  and  sister,  as  will  be  seen 
hereafter.  The  estate  was  Treworgy,  in  a  lovely  situation  between 
Liskeard  and  Looe.     It  was  ultimately  purchased,  as  we  shall  see,  and 


34  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

remained  in  the  family  some  8o  or  90  years,  when  it  was  sold  (I  believe 
advantageously)  during  the  lifetime  of  John  Eliot's  daughter.  On 
June  28,  his  Grandfather  "approved  much  of  purchasing  the  Estate  in 
"  Land  in  those  parts."  Evidently  he  retained  an  affection  for  his  old 
home.  On  July  10,  "Uncle  Eliot"  "does  not  thoroughly  approve  of 
"  purchasing  the  estate  near  Liskeard,  thinking  it  too  far  off." 

At  the  end  of  July,  he  starts  on  a  visit  to  his  Uncle  How,  at  Aspley, 
near  Woburn,  in  Bedfordshire.  He  sets  out  at  4  in  the  afternoon,  and 
arrives  that  night  at  St.  Albans,  where  he  puts  up  at  the  White  Hart,  and 
being  very  wet  when  he  got  there,  he  relates  that  he  drank  half  "a  glass  of 
rum  "  to  prev*  catching  cold."  Starting  the  next  morning  "  betwixt  6  & 
"  7  got  to  the  Sugarloaf  at  Dunstable  by  9.  Breakfasted  on  Chocolate. 
"  Shaved  and  had  my  wig  combed.  Then  proceeded  for  Aspley  where  I 
"got  after  a  very  hot  ride  about  I."  The  next  day's  journal  is  worth 
quoting  more  fully  as  it  has  so  many  touches  of  old-time  life,  besides  giving 
a  favourable  idea  of  the  doctrine  preached  by  the  leading  Quaker 
members.*     The  day  in  question  is  Sunday,  31,  July. 

"  This  morning  after  breakfast  about  9  Sister  and  Cous"  Tibey  sat  out 
"  in  a  post  chariot,  Uncle  How,  Cous"  Hingsbery  and  myself  on  Horse 
"  back  for  a  meeting  to  be  held  at  a  fr*'^  house  (Grimes)  at  Nash  in 
"  Buckinghamshire,  ah'  9  miles  from  Aspley  by  appointment  of  Isaac 
"  Sharpies.  In  our  way  thither  pass''  thro'  Bowbrickhill  and  Fenny 
"  Stratford,  at  w''  last  place  we  took  a  guide  with  a  horse,  a  thing  very 
"  needful,  the  way  cross  y"  country  being  very  intricate  &.  Roads  bad 
"  insomuch  that  we  did  not  get  to  the  place  appointed  till  near  one." 

"  Ab'  2  I.  Sharpies  and  several  more  fr^^  came  f"'  another  meeting  they 
"  had  had  in  the  morning.  We  all  dined  at  y'=  friend's  house  at  Nash 
"  who  made  us  heartily  welcome  in  their  way,  having  provided  an  extra- 
"  ordinary  good  Dinner  considering  their  circumstances,  the  man  from  a 
"  servant  having  just  come  into  a  little  farming  for  himself.  But  Isaac 
"  Sharpies,  thinking  they  c''  not  afford  such  an  entertainment,  we  made  a 
"  Collection  to  give  them.  After  dinner  we  all  met  together  in  the 
"  friend's  Barn,  where  seats  had  been  provided  to  which  came  a  great 
"  number  of  the  Townspeople,  who  behaved  very  quiet  and  well.  And 
"  Isaac  Sharpies  had  an  excellent  time  amongst  them  beginning  with  the 

'"  I  judge  that  Isaac  Sharpies  was  a  specially  evangelical  Quaker. 


1757  ELIOT  PAPERS  35 

"  Apostle's  Exhortation  '  Try  yourselves,  prove  j^ourselves,  know  ye  not 
"  that  Christ  is  in  you  except  ye  be  Reprobates.'  That  Light  was  come 
"  into  the  world  and  men  could  not  pretend  Ignorance.  That  this 
"  Ignorance  was  mostly  wilful,  as  in  the  case  of  swearing,  where  after  an 
"  Oath  some  men  would  frequently  cry,  Lord  forgive  me,  &  yet  in  a  few 
"  minutes  after  w''  repeat  the  same,  which  was  trifling  with  and  mocking 
"  of  God.  Whether  they  had  the  saving  Faith  in  Christ,  not  a  traditional 
"  belief  only  of  his  bodily  appearance  on  Earth,  but  of  his  being  in  them, 
"  which  faith  is  begotten  of  Christ,  if  so  they  would  experience  themselves 
"  new  creatures  free  from  old  Pollutions  &  Impurities." 

"  After  meeting  we  went  6  miles  to  Buckingham  2  fr''^  showing  us  the 
"  way.  Put  up  at  L*'  Cobham's  Arms  supped  &  lodg'^  there.  Weather 
"  fine  but  prettv  hot." 

1216923 

The  next  day  they  visit  the  gardens  at  Stowe.  "  This  garden  has 
"  many  fine  Temples,  Walks,  Lawns  and  abundance  of  water  in  it.  It 
"  contains  about  300  acres  &  30  men  constantly  employed  to  keep  it  in 
"  order.  Belongs  now  to  Lord  Temple  " — and  then  by  Stony  Stratford 
back  to  Aspley  in  the  evening. 

He  leaves  his  sister  at  Aspley  and  returns  to  London  for  a  day  or  two, 
and  then  goes  again  to  Aspley  where,  among  other  things,  he  discovers 
that  syllabub  does  not  agree  with  him  ! 

The  next  day  he  writes  "  I  went  w''  Uncle  How  to  Woburn  &  won  a 
"  pint  of  wine  of  him  ab*  the  gate  leads  into  Aspley  Lane."  (Really,  Uncle 
How,  I  think  this  example  for  thy  young  nephew  was  highly  repre- 
hensible ! ) 

Then  follows  "  Saw  E.  Johnson  who  appeared  very  cold  in  her 
"  Behavior  tow''^  me," — and  next  day  he  "  called  at  Ramsays  to  enquire 
"  the  cause  of  E.  Johnson's  indifl"erence  but  could  not  learn  it." 

"  E.  Johnson,"  who  appears  in  a  former  entry  with  the  exceptional 
title  of  "  Miss  Johnson  "  was  evidently  an  object  of  some  interest  to  J.  E. 
about  this  time.  We  happen  to  know  something  of  her  history.  Her 
family  were  not  "  Friends"  and  her  father  was  a  Justice  of  the  Peace. 
She  was,  however,  intimate  with  the  Friends  and  some  time  after  this 
she  became  "  convinced"  of  "  Friend's  principles"  much  to  the  anger  of 


36  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

her  family,  and  was  somewhat  persecuted  for  her  views.  The  intimacy 
with  J.  E.  never  ripened  into  closer  ties,  but  she  appears  to  have  become 
a  great  friend  of  Mariabella,  and  a  companion  of  the  brother  and  sister 
in  a  journey  to  Cornwall,  in  1759. 

On  Aug.  II,  he  mentions  a  visit  of  two  gentlemen  to  see  Cous"  How's 
library — one  of  them  being  "  a  foxhunter,  tho'  not  of  the  rougher  sort." 


CHAPTER   X. 

MORE    ABOUT    TREWORGY 
A    JOURNEY    IN    THE    OLDEN    TIME 


Towards  the  end  of  the  month  he  makes  arrangements  for  a  journey 
to  Liskeard  to  see  about  the  Treworgy  estate.  It  is  very  curious  to  note 
how  serious  a  matter  such  a  journey  was  in  those  days.  Among  other 
things  he  is  occupied  in  arranging  for  a  companion,  and  finds  one  T. 
Walduck,  who  I  suppose  was  to  travel  in  the  capacity  of  servant,  for  he 
"gave  T.  Walduck  directions  about  the  Horses  and  sent  him  with  the 
Portmanteau." 

On  the  26th  August  at  seven  in  the  morning  they  start,  and  before 
accompanying  them  by  the  aid  of  the  diary  and  letters   we  may  just 
remember  that  travelling  over  almost  exactly  the  same  ground  by  the 
L.  &  S.  W.  Railway  in  the  present  day  the  time  occupied  would  be  : 
London  to  Exeter     -     3  hours,  46  minutes 
Exeter  to  Plymouth  -     i  hour,  42  minutes 
Plymouth  to  Liskeard  47  minutes 

Perhaps  a  hundred  years  hence  our  descendants  may  wonder  how  we 
were  content  to  crawl  at  such  a  pace. 

They  set  out  on  the  26th  August,  "  ab'  7  fine  morning.  Along  the 
"  new  Road  to  Hyde  Park  Corner"  thence  by  Hounslow,  Staines, 
Bagshot  and  Blackwater  to  the  White  Lion  at  Hartford  Bridge,  where  they 
sleep  the  first  night.     On  the  27th  they  start  again  at  7   "  without  our 


38  ELIOT   PAPERS  1757 

"  breakfast,  the  people  of  the  house  being  all  in  bed."  Through  Hartley 
Row  to  Murrell  Green  to  breakfast  at  the  King's  Arms.  Through  Hook 
to  Basingstoke.  "  Bad  roads  to  Sutton."  Through  Stockbridge  to  Salis- 
bury. "Got  to  the  Angel  at  Salisl)ury  at  Dusk.  Duck  for  supper,  bad 
"  house."  On  the  28th,  "  At  ten  this  morning  went  to  the  Friends' 
"  Meeting  in  this  town  with  a  person  who  of  late  has  gone  thither  & 
"  seems  in  measure  converted  to  the  blessed  Truth.  Meeting  very 
"  small  and  poor.  Dined  at  our  Inn,  invited  the  guide  but  he  excused 
"  himself  At  two  sat  out  for  Shaftesbury.  Wind  blew  excessive  cold 
"over  the  plain.  Put  up  at  the  Golden  Lion  Inn  at  Shaftesbury.  Very 
"  good  house  &  attendance." 

On  the  29th,  "After  Breakfast  sat  forwards,  morning  pleasant.  Dorset 
"  a  fine  country,  woody.  At  the  Angel,  Yeovil  to  dinner.  Here  is  a 
"  curious  Kitchen,  filled  with  all  manner  of  Rarities  of  the  Landlord's 
"  collecting.  Mutton  very  sweet  and  good.  Thro'  Crewkerne  to  Chard. 
"  The  Red  Lion  :  mutton  stakes  :  indifferent  entertainment.  Latter  part 
"  of  the  way  stony.  My  horse  going  lame  of  the  near  foot  before,  had  a 
"  new  shoe  at  Yeovil — and  both  the  horses  shod  round  at  Chard  for  the 
"  Stony  country :  much  rain  in  the  evening  and  I  came  in  pretty  wet." 

30th,  "  Came  away  without  breakfast.  Coffee  at  the  Red  Lion 
"  Axminster.  Thro'  Honiton  to  Exeter  to  dinner.  Did  not  get  there 
"  till  almost  5  in  the  afternoon  because  of  the  stony  roads." 

Thus  he  took  five  days,  of  which  four  and  a  half  were  pretty  steady 
travelling,  to  accompHsh  a  journey  now  made  in  3  hours  46  minutes  ! 

At  Exeter  he  would  probably  have  lingered  to  look  after  the  Topsham 
property,  but  he  gets  news  from  Mr  Trehawke  "  desiring  me  to  make  no 
"  stay  at  Exeter,  the  Gent"  Owner  of  Treworgy  intending  for  London  in 
"  a  few  days." 

So  on  the  31st,  "At  lO  this  morning  sat  out  from  Exeter  with  Robert 
"  Prudom.  Dined  at  the  White  Hart  at  Oakhampton  on  Beefstakes  and 
"  Ducks.  Went  forward  to  Lydford  to  lodge.  Roads  exceeding 
"  stony  but  the  Country  pretty  pleasant  on  the  right.  On  the  left  is  a 
"  long  ridge  of  Hills  called  Dartmoor  reaching  quite  from  Exeter  to 
"  Horsebridge.  Indifferent  Lodging,  the  beds  being  taken  up  &  got  but 
"  little  sleep." 


1757  ELIOT   PAPERS  39 

Sep.  I,  "  Got  up  at  3  this  morning  &  sat  out  with  R.  Prudom  at  4 
"fine  morning,  breakfasted  at  Horsebridge  &  got  into  Liskeard  about 
"  10."  We  have  seen  that  this  part  of  the  journey — Exeter  to  Liskeard, 
which  took  him  one  whole  da}^  and  six  hours — now  occupies  about  two 
hours  and  a  half. 

After  a  day's  rest  he  goes  with  Mr  Trehawke  to  see  Treworgy.  "  It 
"  is  about  5  miles  South  of  Liskeard,  pleasantly  situated  on  a  fine 
"  River,  which  is  navigable  up  to  Looe  about  2  miles  distance.  Situation 
"very  agreeable,  having  a  prospect  of  the  sea.  The  House  old-fi;shioned 
"  but  in  pretty  good  repair." 

Two  days  later  he  comes  to  terms,  namely,  to  pay  ;^2,850  for  the 
estate  of  300  acres. 

On  the  6th  Sept.  they  "  sat  out  with  R.  Prudom,  Polly  Cooper,  Miss 
"  Pitt  and  Morgan,  the  latter  double  horsed  and  P.C.  behind  Thomas  for 
"  Looe  "  whence  they  returned  in  the  evening.  On  the  8th  he  writes  a 
full  report  to  his  Uncle,  concluding  "  Thomas  is  very  faithful  and  active 
"  which  renders  y'^  journey  much  pleasanter." 

On  the  lOth  he  starts  on  his  return  journey,  reaching  Oakhampton  ; 
"  Several  French  prisoners  in  Town."  The  next  day  he  reaches  Exeter. 
"  Dined  at  the  ordinary  at  the  Oxford  Inn  with  some  Scotchmen  and  a 
"  Parson  who  looked  with  an  evil  eye  at  me  because  I  refused  drinking 
"  some  healths  they  proposed." 

On  the  13th.  His  first  day's  journey  from  Exeter  takes  him  to 
Crewkerne  over  "  exceeds  bad  road."  The  next  day  he  dines  at  the 
Antelope  at  Sherborne,  "  where  two  officers'  ladies  made  some  remarks 
"  to  my  advantage  on  my  plain  appearance."  The  evening  brings  him 
to  Shaftesbury.  "  Roads  extray  fine  and  country  very  beautiful.  Supped 
"with  J.  Williams  and  his  wife  on  broil"^  Chicken  &  cold  Venison 
"  pasty."  Perhaps  the  first,  but  certainly  not  the  last  venison  from 
Cranborne  Chace  which  he  was  destined  to  taste.  The  "  J.  Williams  " 
was  the  seller  of  Treworgy,  who  was  also  on  his  road  to  London.  He 
ends  the  day  with  the  following  instructive  but  mysterious  remark  : 
"  An  affected,  theatrical  air  quite  unbecoming  !  "  There  is  unfortunately 
no  indication  whether  this  referred  to  the  "Officers' ladies"  at  Sherborne, 
or  to  Mrs  Williams,  or  was  written  in  self-reproach. 

The  next  day  he  visits  Stonehenge  on  his  way  to  Andover. 


40  ELIOT   PAPERS  I757 

"  It  is  amasing  how  these  immense  Stones  were  got  together, 
especially  as  there  are  none  like  them  in  those  parts.  Some  imagine 
them  to  be  a  composition  of  sand  and  other  materials,  but  I  don't  know 
how  to  credit  that,  they  being  exceeding  firm  and  have  suffer'*  so  little 
for  such  a  length  of  time."  "  The  ground  on  which  the  Temple 
stands  is  enclosed  by  a  circular  mount.  It  is  about  2  miles  distant  from 
the  Town  of  Amcsbury  where  1  dined  and  they  hav?  exceeds  fine 
bottled  Beer,  I  ordered  5  doz  to  be  sent  me  to  London  p  Taunton 
waggon." 

I  may  mention  that  this  arrived  in  due  time  and  appears  to  have 
served  in  part  as  acceptable  presents  to  some  of  his  London  relations. 

On  the  l6th.  "  From  Andover  to  Basingstoke  to  dinner  at  y'=  Post- 
"  house.  Fine  morns,  pleast  Roads.  Came  through  Whitchurch  &  some 
"  other  pretty  Towns.  After  dinner  had  7  miles  to  Murrell  Green 
"  where  I  expected  to  meet  my  Sister  and  Aunts  but  had  a  L''  from  the 
"  first  giving  me  hopes  of  seeing  them  at  Staines  to  dinner  next  day." 

On  the  17th.  "  In  a  very  thick  fog  to  Bagshot,  there  breakfasted. 
"Got  to  Staines  at  12.  Met  my  Grandff,  Aunts  &  Sister  at  the  Bush. 
"  Dined  together  in  much  love  and  afterwards  went  all  to  Croydon  in  my 
"  Grand^"'^  new  coach  and  a  postchaise." 


CHAPTER    XI. 


THE    END    OF    THE    JOURNAL 


At  last  on  the  l8th  he  and  his  sister  reach  London,  he  having  thus 
taken  nearly  6  da3's  on  the  journey.  On  the  20th  they  have  quite  a 
party  at  "  Uncle  Eliot's."  "  Hannah  &  Judith  Boddington,  Betsy  & 
"  Molly  Fowler — supped  in  Bucklersbury.  Came  home  at  night  all  6  in 
"  a  Hackney  Coach.     Very  cheerful  together." 

On  the  27th  Sept.  "  After  meeting  went  to  Cave's,  the  printer  of 
"  the  Centleman's  Magazine  and  ordered  a  complete  sett  from  the 
"  beginning."  I  have  been  told  that  the  Friends  made  regular  use  of 
this  well-known  Magazine  for  advertising  births,  deaths,  &c.,  and  that  a 
study  of  its  Advertisements  might  be  found  of  great  use  in  tracing 
genealogies  of  Quaker  families.  It  is  certainlv  noteworthy  that  J.E.  who 
at  this  time  apparently  confined  his  reading  to  Quaker  books  should  have 
taken  pains  to  secure  a  "complete  sett"  of  the  Magazine. 

On  the  6th  October  he  notes  :  "  a.t  }4  past  10  (in  the  morning)  so 
"  exceeds  dark  was  the  air  that  it  resembled  an  eclipse,  which  continued 
"  for  a  few  minutes — afterwards  fair."  What  would  the  good  man  have 
said  if  he  could  have  seen  our  fogs  of  the  present  day  which  "  resemble 
an  eclipse  "  for  days  together  ? 

Although  the  London  fogs  were  bad  enough,  even  in  the  days  of 
Charles  11,  to  ruin  the  health  of  the  French  Ambassador,  and  Evelyn 
was  commissioned  to  report  on  the  best  way  of  preventing  their 
D 


42  ELIOT  PAPERS  1 757 

increasing  blackness;  yet  this  little  note  in  the  middle  of  the  XVIII 
century  shows  that  it  must  have  been  quite  an  exceptional  thing  then  for 
the  daylight  to  be  quite  shut  out  in  the  way  with  which  we  are  now  so 
sadly  familiar. 

Frequent  references  to  visits  at  "  Boddington's,"  and  notes  that 
"Judith  was  away  at  Crayford,"  or  "Judy  not  come  from  Crayford," 
make  me  think  that  the  "  cheerful "  time  in  that  Hackney  coach  had  not 
been  ahogether  without  its  effects  on  J.H.'s  well  regulated  but  susceptible 
heart. 

On  Oct.  13th.  "Had  some  discourse  with  my  Grandfather  &  Charles 
"  Savage  ab*  the  Estate  in  Cornwall,  also  ah'  matrimony."  How  I  wish 
he  had  been  more  diffuse  just  here  and  given  us  some  notes  of  their 
conversation.  Did  they  discuss  Judy  Boddington  ?  Or  did  they 
merely  contemplate  the  whole  of  the  great  question  from  a  Platonic 
height  ?  And  did  the  old  man  bring  out  the  views  about  grand 
alliances  which  grieved  his  son  PhiUp  ?  At  any  rate  nothing  came  of  it. 
Possibly  poor  Judy  was  discussed  and  dismissed  ;  but  no  !  for  just  a  week 
later  "  called  at  Boddington's  &.  sat  awhile  w''  Judy." 

And  so  the  quiet  stream  of  life  ripples  on  until  the  entries  in  this 
book  close  on  the  4th  November.  One  cannot  help  being  struck  by  the 
amount  of  leisure  for  reading  and  writing  and  quiet  social  enjoyment ; 
often  one  or  more  guests  dining  (in  the  middle  of  the  day)  with  John 
and  Mariabella,  or  coming  to  tea  or  supper,  and  visits  being  paid  to 
"  Uncle  Eliot,"  or  "  Aunt  Lambert,"  or  "  Boddington's,"  or  excursions 
made  in  company  with  pleasant  friends  to  Windsor  or  the  like.  John 
Eliot's  business  duties  evidently  sat  lightly  upon  him:  he  appears  to  have 
looked  in  at  "  Lloyd's "  in  the  evening  and  to  have  gone  pretty 
frequently  to  the  Bank  or  the  India  Office  to  receive  dividends — not  an 
arduous  or  unpleasant  occupation  ! 

It  is  unmistakeable  that  as  the  months  pass,  there  is  an  increasing 
tone  of  seriousness  in  the  entries.  John  Eliot  was  thinking  out  his 
life's  problem  for  himself,  and  going  at  times  through  terrible  inner 
struggles.  His  little  notes  in  French  are  often  very  touching.  He 
sometimes  found  great  help  from  his  own  meditations  when  the 
"Meeting"  was  silent,  and  at  other  times  from  the  sermons  of  certain 


1757  ELIOT  PAPERS  43 

Ministers.  "  Grande  est  la  paix  quon  goute  dans  ces  Assemblees  du 
"  peuple  de  Dieu."  Once,  after  his  Uncle  Eliot  had  been  preaching, 
"  Dieu  m'accorda  de  sa  paix  et  je  souhaitois,  presque,  que  j'avois  comme 
"  mon  Oncle  a  precher  I'Evangile  au  peuple."  On  another  occasion, 
"  Grande  etoit  la  paix  et  la  Tranquillite  dont  je  jouissois  ce  matin  par  la 
"  misericorde  de  Dieu.  Beni  a  jamais  soit  son  nom."  Such  expressions 
are  frequent  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Journal,  and  in  the  last  entry 
"  Dieu  m'aide  a  porter  sa  Croix." 


CHAPTER    XII. 


A    CRISIS    IN    LIFE 


The  thread  of  the  Life-story  of  John  EHot  is  now  taken  up  by  a  series 
of  letters  which  have  been  preserved  in  so  complete  a  form  that  they 
explain  themselves  as  they  proceed. 

It  appears  that  John  Eliot  left  London  for  a  visit  to  one  W'".  Joyce, 
a  worthy  Quaker  farmer  living  at  Bexfields,  Gaily  Common,  near 
Chelmsford.  Joyce  was  either  a  connection  or  a  near  friend  of  the 
Hows  of  Aspley — and  we  may  remember  the  objection  that  smouldered 
in  the  minds  of  the  Grandfather  and  Uncle  against  all  this  family  and 
their  belongings.  Hence  it  is  probable  that  J.  E.  did  not  tell  either  of 
them  of  his  intended  journey,  and  they  knew  nothing  of  it  till  they 
observed  his  absence  from  home. 

Uncle  Philip  Eliot  accordingly  writes  as  follows,  under  date,  y''  i6th 
nth  mo.  1757. 

London  y'  i6th  nth  mo.  1757 
"  Dear  Nephew 

Thy  absence  from  London  causes  people  to  talk  very  freely, 
"  and  more  especially  as  thou  art  wanted  by  the  Office  keepers  to  make 
"  alterations  upon  those  Policys  thou  hast  subscribed.  If  thou  intends 
"  to  carry  business  on  and  more  especially  to  be  an  Insurer,  diligence 
"  is  absolutely  proper  to  be  kept  to  :  for  an  Underwriter  ought  always 
"  to  attend  and  be  in  the  way.  But  when  it  so  happens  that  Pleasure  is 
"  more  regarded,  those  who  otherwise  would  respect  thy  Firme,  will 
"  rather  despise  it. 


46  ELIOT  PAPERS  1757 

"  Thy  stay  at  Gaily  Common  causes  uncommon  surprise  both  to  thy 
"  Grandfather  and  me  as  \vc  cannot  apprehend  any  pleasure  that  place 
"  can  afford  to  any  man  in  business.  Its  proper  to  give  thy  attendance 
"and  settle  thy  accounts  with  the  Office  keepers  and  then  it  will  be 
"  time  enough  to  retire  to  thy  delightful  place  again.  I  am  really  sorry 
"  for  thy  unthoughtfulness  and  remain  • 

"  Thy  affectionate  Uncle 

"  PhiHp  Eliot." 
To  which  John  Eliot  replies — 

Bexhields  y^  17th  II  mo.  1757 
"  Dear  Uncle 

"  With  concern  I  ob.serve  thy  uneasiness  at  my  being  here.  1 
"  should  not  have  absented  myself  so  long  from  home  and  Business  on 
"any  other  account  than  that  I  informed  thee  of  by  my  letter  of 
"  yesterdav  which  I  hope  my  Sister  has  already  delivered  to  thee. 

"  That  alone  was  the  motive,  and  no  fondness  for  pleasure  which 
"  induced  me  to  seek  retirement  in  a  sober  family  such  as  this  is. 
"  Therefore  I  intreat  thee  and  my  Grandfather  to  bear  with  me  this 
"  once,  hoping  it  will  please  God  so  to  establish  my  goings  as  to  give 
"  neither  of  you  any  cause  of  uneasiness  for  the  future,  which  I  assure 
"  thee  I  cannot  do  without  suffering  as  much  myself.  If  my  Grandfather 
"  would  be  so  kind  as  to  make  what  Returns  are  due  on  the  Policies  I 
"  have  signed  till  I  come  to  London  (which  I  hope  I  may  soon  be 
"  enabled  to  do)  I  should  esteem  it  a  great  favour.  I  much  desire  thy 
"advice  in  my  present  situation  and  with  duty  to  Grandfother,  Dear 
"  Uncle,  Thy  loving  and  affectionate  Nephew 

John  Eliot  Jun." 

On  the  17th  Nov.  the  Uncle  writes  again.  "Thy  sister  this  evening 
"came  to  my  house  and  delivered  thy  welcome  L^  of  the  i6th  Inst  the 
"  contents  of  which  has  greatly  refreshed  my  spiritt  on  thy  account, 
"  with  strong  crys  to  the  Lord  that  thou  mayst  be  preserved  against  that 
"  Old  Enemy  who  will  raise  up  his  Batterys  to  betray  thee  if 
"  possible."     .... 

"  Study  silence  and  not  impart  thy  Thoughts  to  every  Inquisitive 
"  Person  who  wants  the  knowledge  of  thy  state  and  condition,  for  as  its 


1757  ELIOT  PAPERS  47 

"  out  of  the  power  of  man  to  administer  help,  so  its  upon  the  Lord  only 
"  we  must  wait  both  for  strength  and  nourishment,  and  when  he  appears 
"  comfort  is  administered  to  that  soul  who  longs  for  his  Presence."    .     . 

"  I  shall  endeavour  often  to  be  with  thy  dear  sister  and  for  thy 
"  comfort  can  inform  thee  that  she  has  already  tasted  of  that  Fiery 
"  Baptism  and  the  hand  of  the  Lord  seems  mightily  to  be  at  work  upon 
"  her  heart  bringing  her  into  subjection  to  his  will." 

He  closes  his  letter  thus  :  "  I  remain  in  that  unchangeable  Love  that 
"  neither  Life  nor  Death  can  separate,  being  Very  Truly  Thy  affectionate 
"  Uncle  Philip  Eliot." 

In  a  Postscript  he  sends  his  "  kind  respects  to  W""  Joyce  and 
"  y<=  Famerly  ....  There  is  severall  ships  lost  of  which  believe 
"  some  thou  has  wrote,  however  lett  not  this  world  trouble  thee  since 
"  thou  hast  found  the  Pearl  of  great  price,  w''  sweettens  every  bitter 
"  cupp,  but  endeavour  to  be  faithfuU.  Lett  God  call  at  thy  hands  what 
"  best  pleases  him  &  then  thou'l  witness  true  Peace  and  an  assurance  of 
"  Happiness  for  Ever  More — Adieu — P.E." 

John  Eliot  replies  on  the  19"'-  "Thy  kind  letter  of  the  I7">  affords 
"  great  comfort  to  my  drooping  spirits.  I  say  drooping,  for  the  Foresight 
"  of  the  Trials  &  Exercises  I  had  to  go  through  brought  me  very  low  at 
"  first,  but  now  thanks  be  to  God  I  have  recovered  a  little  strength.  The 
"  Mountains  appear  already  less,  and  I  have  reason  to  hope  that  by  a 
"  faithful  perseverance  in  what  I  apprehend  to  be  my  Duty,  they  will  be 
"  entirely  removed." 

(From  another  letter  to  his  Uncle  How  it  would  appear  that  he  was 
really  seriously  ill  for  a  time  with  distress  of  mind,) 

"  I  intend  to  practice  thy  advice  of  not  being  too  communicative  of  my 
'  Condition  to  others  w''  indeed  I  ever  was  unwilling  to  do,  not  caring  to 
'  make  an  Eclat.  Insomuch  that  I  have  been  rather  blameable  for  my 
'  Backwardness  to  acquaint  thee  thereof." 

.  .  .  "  Dear  Uncle,  favour  me  with  thy  repeated  advice  &  let  me 
'  reap  some  of  the  fruits  of  thy  long  Experience  in  this  great  work  of 

true  Repentance.     My  Sister's  convincement  I  was  no  stranger  to.     I 

hope  we  shall  be  each  other's  joy  and  strength  in  the  Lord,  giving  God 

the  glory,  who  works  in  us  both  to  will  and  to  do  of  his  own  good 

pleasure."  He  then  gives  directions  as  to  his  business  during  his 
absence. 


48  ELIOT  PAPERS  1757 

29"'  Nov.  from  P.  E.  to  J.  E.  "  Go  on  my  dear  child,  through  all 
"  opposition  never  doubting  but  he  who  has  begun  that  great  work  in  thy 
"  heart  will  in  his  own  time  perfect  it  to  his  own  Praise.  .  .  .  The 
"  more  I  think  of  thee  and  of  thy  dear  Sister  the  more  I  have  cause  to 
"  bless  God  on  your  behalf  in  that  he  has  had  compassion  on  two 
"  bereaved  of  their  parents  &  has  regarded  the  Humble  Petition  of  thy 
"  Dving  Father,  whose  earnest  breathings  to  y'^  Lord  was  on  thy  account. 
"  Oh  that  you  both  may  be  valiant  in  the  Lord's  work.  .  .  .  "  The 
latter  part  of  this  letter  gives  an  insight  into  the  great  importance 
attached  by  "  Friends  "  to  their  testimony  against  the  wearing  of  mourn- 
ing. "  Last  sixth  day  my  Father  had  news  from  Lurgan  in  Ireland  of 
"  the  death  of  my  Aunt  Turner,  and  yesterday  my  sister  Lambert  came 
"  to  Bella's  house  &  informed  her  she  was  to  meet  her  other  Aunts  at 
'■  y:  mercers  in  order  to  buy  morning  (mourning).  Ab'  ^  an  hour  after 
"  they  sent  to  Bella,  I  suppose  they  expecf^  she  would  come  and  consult 
"  with  them  what  to  buy  and  appear  in  as  morning.  I  therefore 
"  waitd  upon  her  w*"  intention  if  necessary  to  caution  her  from  goeing 
"  back  into  the  Fashions  &.  Customs  of  this  World,  as  her  feet  was 
"  happyly  redeem<*  from  that  beggarly  Spott,  so  to  labour  not  to  walk 
"  therein  any  more.  I  soon  perceived  she  was  better  rooted  than  (I) 
"expected  and  therefore  there  was  noe  need  of  my  Caution." 

After  a  few  days  the  Uncle  again  gets  fidgetty  about  his  nephew's 
continued  absence  and  writes  to  him  on  the  28''' 

"  I  am  uneasy  at  thy  stay  and  more  particularly  on  account  of  thy  dear 
"  Sister,  whose  absence  from  her,  in  her  present  situation  can  no  ways 
"  be  agreeable,  and  as  to  thy  stay  in  the  Country  upon  account  of 
"  strength,  that  Difficulty  will  appear  the  same  come  when  thou  wilt.  It's 
"the  Enemy's  work  to  raise  that  mountain  &  that  will  always  (be) 
"  present  to  thy  view,  therefore  let  me  beseech  thee  to  act  like  a  man  & 
"  bear  thy  cross  faithfully  in  thy  new  habitation,  for  we  are  not  called  to 
"  suffer  in  Dens  or  Caves  but  to  own  Christ  publicly  to  the  world."    .     . 

On  the  30''^  J.  E.  writes  announcing  his  intention  of  returning  home 
and  it  is  arranged  that  his  Uncle  and  Sister  shall  meet  him  at  the 
Dolphin  at  "  Rumford "  to  dinner  on  his  way  back.  What  a  happy 
meeting  that  must  have  been  of  three  hearts,  long  closely  united  in 
family  love  and  now  indeed  one  in  "  that  unchangeable  love  which 
"  neither  life  nor  death  can  separate." 


1757  ELIOT  PAPERS  49 

John  Eliot,  however,  acknowledges  that  his  mind  was  "a  little 
"anxious  on  }"=  road  but  easier  &  more  settled  on  ye  encouraging 
"  Discourse  of  Uncle  Eliot."  For  on  the  next  day  he  had  to  begin  his 
profession  of  Quaker  ways,  the  outward  and  visible  sign  of  which  was 
appearing  at  Meeting  in  a  plain  Hat.  "  Prayed  to  the  Lord  for  strength 
"  and  support  in  this  trial,  which  I  felt  some  assurance  of.  And  next 
"  day  I  again  entreated  y'=  Lord  and  I  had  strength  to  go  to  Meeting." 

Holy  and  humble  man  of  heart  !  He  was  wholly  anxious  to  take  up 
the  Cross  of  his  Divine  Master  and  it  was  not  his  fault  that  together 
with  this  easy  yoke  and  light  burden  he  took  on  his  shoulders  "  heavy 
"  burdens  and  grievous  to  be  borne,"  bound  by  men.  We  can  but 
reverence  his  faithfulness  and  we  may  well  ask  ourselves  whether  it  is 
not  possible  that  in  the  present  day  we  are  in  danger  of  erring  by  taking 
too  little  pains  to  let  our  "  testimony  "  be  seen  in  small  things  as  well  as 
in  great. 

Although  J.  E.  was  sure  of  sympathy  and  help  from  his  Uncle  and 
Sister  in  his  new  departure,  it  was  far  otherwise  with  his  Grandfather 
and  Aunts.  The  former  was  nominally  a  Quaker,  but  we  have  seen 
that  his  views  were  by  no  means  in  conformity  with  the  straiter  sect  of 
that  religion  and  indeed  I  fear  that  his  heart  was  more  set  upon  riches 
and  position  than  was  consistent  with  his  true  happiness.  Aunt 
Lambert  had,  as  we  have  seen,  smothered  her  early  convictions  and  does 
not  seem  to  have  got  much  recompence,  and  the  three  Aunts  of  the 
second  family  had  little  in  common  with  the  more  serious  Friends.  So 
J.E's  letter  to  his  "Honoured  Grandfather"  is  very  careful  and  brief: 
a  part  of  it  runs  as  follows  : 

"I  can  assure  thee  Grandfather  that  unless  my  present  and  everlasting 
"  peace  had  been  so  nearly  concerned,  and  I  may  say  dependent  on  my 
"  Obedience  to  this  discovery  of  Duty,  I  had  never  submitted  my  will 
"  to  become  a  fool  among  men  and  be  the  jest  of  those  who  before 
'■  thought  well  of  me  :  especially  at  a  time  when  I  had  expectations  of 
"  making  a  figure  in  Life  in  an  eminent  &  Honourable  Branch  of 
"  Business.  Yet  even  this,  with  the  Friendship  of  so  many  Gentlemen 
"  of  Fortune  I  am  willing  to  give  up,  if  I  can't  enjoy  it  without  betraying 
"  the  cause  of  Truth." 

He  wrote  also  to  his  Uncle  R.  How,  while  to  his  Cousin  R.  How — 
the  companion  of  his  late  hours  in  the  early  part  of  the  year,  he  sent  a 


50  ELIOT  PAPERS  1757 

long  and  earnest  letter  which  was  doubtless  not  without  due  effect  on  the 
recipient,  and  appears  to  have  been  of  no  small  help  to  at  least  one 
other  person  to  whom  R.  How  showed  it.  So  we  see  that  John  Eliot's 
profession  was  by  no  means  limited  to  the  shape  of  his  hat — he 
endeavoured  to  share  with  others  the  peace  of  mind  which  he  had  found 
in  submission  to  his  Master's  will  as  he  understood  it. 

We  have  also  a  long  correspondence  with  his  friend  "W"  Joyce,  to 
whom  he  confided  his  difficulties  as  to  the  path  of  duty  in  relation  to  his 
business,  his  anxious  heart  fearing  lest  he  should  become  too  much 
taken  up  with  such  matters  if  he  continued  involved  in  mercantile 
affairs.  These  letters  contain  pleasant  side  lights  on  mutual  acts  of 
courtesy.  John  Eliot  acknowledges  his  friend's  hospitality  by  the  sub- 
stantial present  of  "a  box  of  China"  (doubtless  the  real  article — I 
wonder  v^'hether  the  Joyce  family  still  preserves  it)  and  Friend  Joyce 
reciprocates  by  sending  a  basket  of  apples. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 


JOHN    ELIOT'S    SCRUPLES 


We  should  not  be  giving  a  faithful  account  of  the  character  of  John 
Eliot  if  we  omitted  to  recognise  fully  the  extent  to  which,  throughout  his 
Hfe,  he  appears  to  have  been  troubled  with  scruples  of  conscience,  the 
nature  of  which  has  been  indicated  in  speaking  of  the  Quakerism  of 
those  days.  Probably  few  men  have  suflFered  more  from  this  cause  than 
he  did.  For,  having  once  definitely  made  up  his  mind  to  adopt  to  the 
full  that  form  of  doctrine  which  to  his  mind  represented  practical 
Christianity,  he  consistently  endeavoured  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his 
conscience,  without  stopping  to  enquire  whether  that  conscience  was  in 
a  healthy  or  a  morbid  condition.  His  grandson,  Robert  Howard,  related 
a  typical  instance  of  the  latter  in  a  case  of  which  I  have  found  no  record 
in  J.  E's  papers.  For  some  reason  unknown,  he  was  at  one  time 
possessed  with  a  scruple  that  it  was  his  duty  to  weai^  a  beard.  Now, 
although  this  might  attract  no  special  notice  in  the  present  day,  it  would, 
in  the  last  century,  have  been  so  peculiar  as  to  have  been  hardly 
consistent  with  a  character  for  sanity.  We  can  well  understand  there- 
fore through  what  depths  of  anxiety  his  sensitive  nature  must  have 
passed  while  this  weight  was  on  his  mind.  Happily  he  had  the  wisdom 
to  consult  some  experienced  and  godly  Minister  of  his  Society,  who 
referred  him  to  that  excellent  rule  for  holy  living  "  The  kingdom  of  God 
■'  is  not  meat  and  drink  ;  but  Righteousness  and  Peace  and  Joy  in  the 
"  Holy  Gho.st."'  (Rom.  xiv,  17)  He  recognised  the  apphcation  to  his 
own  case  and  the  whole  cloud  passed  away  at  once. 


52  ELIOT   PAPERS 

The  next  instance  I  take  from  a  memorandum  in  French  which  I  find 
among  his  papers.  At  some  time  after  his  marriage,  when  his  sister 
Mariabella  had  her  own  estabhshment  at  Pickhurst,  in  Kent,  she  was  in 
want  of  a  coachman.  John  EHot  was  asked  to  call  on  a  strange  gentle- 
man to  ask  the  character  of  a  man  who  applied  for  the  place.  He  got 
through  his  business  satisfactorily,  but  he  was  much  shocked  that  the 
gentleman,  on  whom  he  called,  used  profane  oaths  frequently  in  the 
course  of  his  conversation — a  habit  only  too  common  in  those  days  with 
those  who  ought  to  have  known  better.  This  fact  lay  heavily  on  his  mind 
and  it  seemed  to  him  that  it  was  his  duty  to  call  again  and  give  a  solemn 
warning  of  the  wickedness  of  such  a  practice  ;  but,  as  the  offender  was 
a  total  stranger  and,  moreover,  evidently  a  proud  man,  he  shrank  greatly 
from  such  an  errand.  He  waited  some  days  to  see  whether  the  impres- 
sion would  pass  away  from  his  mind,  but  as  it  seemed  still  laid  upon 
him,  he,  at  last,  plucked  up  courage  to  call.  But,  when  he  did  so,  he 
found  that  the  stranger  was  not  at  home,  whereupon  he  felt  himself 
"  discharged." 

I  cannot  help  regarding  this  case  as  fairly  showing  the  inherent 
unsatisfactoriness  of  these  "  concerns,"  as  they  were  called.  The  object 
aimed  at  was  to  get  rid  of  the  burden  on  the  suflFerer's  own  mind,  not 
really  to  benefit  the  other  party,  otherwise  he  would,  clearly,  have 
persevered  until  he  had  warned  him.  No  doubt  many  heroic  actions 
have  been  performed,  and  much  substantial  good  effected,  from  such  a 
stimulus,  but  it  was  essentially  unhealthy ;  and  though  a  message 
delivered  in  such  a  spirit  might  possibly  have  had  some  effect,  how  much 
more  would  it  have  if  the  recipient  saw  that  the  moving  principle  was 
sympathy  and  the  real  desire  to  save  a  soul  from  death. 

Another  instance  was  in  a  much  more  serious  matter.  It  appears  that 
the  elder  John  Eliot  had  secured  what,  I  beheve,  is  called  a  "  Beneficial 
Lease  "  of  an  estate  at  Farleigh,  in  Surrey,  from  Merton  College,  Oxford. 
I  understand  the  nature  of  these  leases  to  be  that,  in  consideration  of  a 
large  sum  paid  down,  the  lessors  agree  to  charge  much  less  than  the  full 
annual  rent  during  a  certain  number  of  lives,  but  on  the  death  of  each 
successive  tenant  the  lease  has  to  be  renewed.  It  is  evident,  therefore, 
that  when  John  Ehot,  the  younger,  came  into  the  property  he  would  be 


ELIOT   PAPERS  53 

sacrificing  some  serious  portion  of  his  patrimony  if  he  failed  to  renew 
this  lease.  The  grounds  on  which  he  felt  a  difficulty  are  sufficiently  set 
forth  in  the  following  letter. 

"  Friend  Barton 

"  Almost  ever  since  I  have  been  in  possession  of  the  estate  w*^''  I 
"  have  in  the  College  Lands  at  Farleigh,  I  have  been  unea.sy  in  mind 
"  concerning  the  Tenure.  For  in  the  first  place  I  stand  engaged  in  the 
"  place  of  my  late  Grandfather  to  pay  all  taxes  &  rates,  in  which  is 
"  included  the  Churchrate  so-called,  whereto  I  have  an  objection  in  point 
"  of  conscience.  For  with  that  Ministry  &  Worship  which  is  not  of 
"  Christ's  Establishment,  that  owes  not  its  being  to  his  Spirit  and  Power, 
"  but  to  something  else  which  is  from  beneath,  as  man's  parts  &  learning, 
"  I  am  instructed  not  to  touch  or  handle,  not  so  much  as  to  pay  towards 
"  the  support  of  those  Places  of  Assembly,  which  is  not  the  only  thing 
"  neither,  for  which  that  rate  is  collected,  but  frequently  (if  I  mistake 
"  not)  the  charge  of  the  Bread  &  Wine,  &:c.  is  defrayed  out  of  it.  In  the 
"  next  places  I  cannot  be  one  w*  those  Foundations  (I  mean  the 
"  Colleges)  to  qualify  persons  to  be  Ministers  of  Christ  and  of  his 
"  Gospel.  For  t'is  his  Spirit  that  qualifies  for  that  weighty  work  and  not 
"  all  the  Arts  &  Sciences  in  the  world.  So  that  'tis  of  him  all  must 
"  learn,  if  they  would  be  Christians  indeed — who  himself  said,  '  Take 
"  my  yoke  upon  you  and  learn  of  me,  I  am  meek  and  lowly  in  Heart.' 
"  This  is  the  right  school  &  the  right  Teacher.  And  therefore  seeing 
"these  Foundations  are  not  built  upon  the  only  Foundation  &  Rock  of 
"  Ages,  Christ  Jesus  his  Spirit  and  Power,  it  must  be  left  with  the 
"  Almighty  to  remove  (as  he  doubtless  will)  every  false  rest  &  depend- 
"  ence  w"^''  men  are  making  of  to  themselves. 

"  And  for  these  reasons,  which  are  simply  offered  as  reasons  &  not 
"  w'''  a  view  to  offend,  do  I  choose  to  be  disincumbered  from  this  Affair 
"  and  am  willing  to  treat  with  the  College  for  their  buying  the  Lea.ses  of 
"  me,  if  they  think  fit,  if  not,  I  shall  endeavour  to  dispose  of  them  to 
"  some  other  Person." 

"  Written  21^'  12  mo.,  1765,  at  Uxbridge,  and  sent  from  thence  by  my 
servant  Joshua." 

I  am  unable  to  give  a  copy  of  the  answer  which  may  have  been 
returned  to  this  letter,  but  the  correspondence  evidently  continued  in  the 


54 


ELIOT   PAPERS 


same  strain,  for,  under  date  of  May  l6,  1768,  I  find  the  following  from, 
the  then  Bursar  of  the  College,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Kilner — being  a  sort  of 
postscript  to  a  letter  on  business  matters. 

"  The  necessity  of  grace  from  above,  I  hope  we  all  allow,  though 
"  perhaps  wc  are  not  all  alike  persuaded  as  to  the  manner  in  which  it  is 
"  ordinarily  communicated.  But  Light  is  Light,  howsoever  imparted, 
"  whether  mediately  or  immediately,  and  to  be  had  of  the  only  Author 
"  and  Giver  of  it  in  the  ways  of  his  appointment,  and  in  the  measure  and 
"  manner  that  he  sees  fittest.  To  seek  and  to  pursue  it,  is  at  least  one 
"  way  to  have  it,  and  to  use  it  in  the  means  of  it,  to  have  it  more 
"  abundantly.  Instruction  in  the  way  of  Righteousness  is  surely  a  visible 
"  means  of  promoting  it,  and  such  a  one  as  with  continual  prayer  super- 
"  added  to  it,  may,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  bring  down,  instead  of  exclude, 
"invisible  Assistance.  The  endowment  of  this  College  was  for  this 
"  purpose  and  the  Qualifications  required  of  us  by  our  Founder,  are,  that 
"  we  should  be  humble,  modest  and  peaceable,  and  this  in  order  to  our 
"  growing  in  grace  and  becoming  more  and  more  teachable.  It  is  not,  I 
"  beheve,  in  the  nature  and  condition  of  man  that  all  should  think  ahke 
"  or  be  of  one  Assembly.  But  whatever  our  persuasion  or  wherever  we 
"  assemble,  by  this  shall  all  men  know  that  we  are  true  disciples  and 
"  allowed  as  such,  if  we  love  one  another,  and  that  with  the  universality 
"  that  Christ  loved,  even  those  that  are  without  or  that  differ  from  us,  even 
"  all  that  are  our  Fellow  Creatures." 

I  think  that  it  was  in  this  year,  1768,  that  the  lease  was  finally 
surrendered. 

But  poor  John  Eliot's  conscience  was  still  troubled.  He  had  scruples 
about  his  scruples,  and  for  many  years  appears  to  have  been  tormented 
with  the  idea  that  he  had  injured  his  children  by  sacrificing  the  property. 
Fifteen  years  later  he  got  his  two  children  to  sign  a  deed  whereby  they 
"  freely  exonerate  and  discharge  the  estate  of  our  Father,  John  Eliot,  now 
"  surviving  from  any  claim  or  claims  hereafter  at  any  time  to  be  made,  &c., 
"  &c.,  &c."  Even  this  did  not  appear  to  settle  the  affiiir  to  his  satisfaction, 
for,  thirteen  years  later,  his  daughter  being  then  married  to  Luke  Howard, 
he  submitted  a  case  to  Counsel,  from  which  I  fear  he  obtained  little 
comfort.  However  it  is  evident  that  nothing  further  could  be  done,  and 
we   may  hope  that   his  grandsons  did   not   embitter  his   last  years   by 


FLIOT   PAPERS  55 

reproaching  him  or  threatening  to  claim  damages,  which  would  have  come 
out  of  their  own  inheritance  ! 

But  we  cannot  help  seeing  how  such  a  state  of  mind  must  have 
hampered  a  Christian  man  in  all  works  secular  and  spiritual.  Truly  we 
need  to  pray  for  the  spirit  of  "  Power  and  Love  and  of  a  Sound  Mind," 
that  we  may  neither  trample  on  the  dictates  of  a  healthy  conscience  nor 
fall  into  such  terrible  bondage  to  morbid  scruples. 

The  mention  of  "  Church  rates,  so-called  "  in  the  above  letter  to  Merton 
College  leads  us  on  naturally  to  speak  of  the  chronic  warfare  waged  by 
John  Eliot,  and  those  who  shared  his  views,  against  all  contributions  to 
the  Established  Church,  both  in  the  form  of  Church  rates  and  tithes. 
In  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Watson's  History  of  the  Parish  of  Ashmore,  page  20, 
&.C.,  will  be  found  a  long  account  of  John  Eliot's  troubles  over  tithes, 
which  ended  in  his  being  actually  thrown  into  prison  at  the  Poultry 
Compter,  though  he  was  released  after  a  few  hours  at  the  instance  of  the 
plaintiff's  solicitor.  A  careful  study  of  this  narrative  will  show  how 
unsparingly  the  good  man  raised  difficulties  for  himself,  some  of  which 
even  the  "  Meeting  for  Sufferings  "  (the  Body  appointed  by  the  Quakers 
to  deal  with  such  questions)  overruled  as  quite  superfluous. 

Similar  difficulties  arose  on  a  smaller  scale  at  his  London  house.  In 
1759,  his  Uncle  Phihp  writes  to  him  while  away  in  Cornwall  "All  is  well 
"  at  Barth'^  Close  saving  that  y'=  Collectors  of  y<^  T}'ths  yesterday  took  all 
"  your  Pewter  Plates  &  dishes  away  so  that  youl  become  a  Custom"'  to 
"John  Townsend"  for  a  new  sett." 

The  following  letter  of  remonstrance,  addressed  to  the  Tithe  Collector, 
appears  to  refer  to  a  second  seizure  of  his  pewter  plates  in  the  same  year, 
for  it  is  dated  24''',  1 1  month,  several  months  later. 

"John  Lyne 

"  I  desire  thee  to  consider  what  thou  hast  been  doing  this  morn- 
"  ing,  thou  hast  been  rifleing  my  house  and  hast  taken  away  the  goods  of 
"  one  who  never  did  thee  an  injury  but  on  the  contrary  is  ready  to  do 
"  thee  and  any  man  any  good  service.  Perhaps  thou  wilt  say  thou  wast 
"  obliged  to  act  as  thou  didst  but  why  must  thou  serve  such  a  Master, 
"  whose  business  it  may  one  day  be  a  trouble  to  thee  to  have  done,  for  I 

*  John  Townsend  was  a  Quaker,  carrying  on  a  business  in  Spitalfields  which  remained  in  the  hands  of 
the  Townsend  and  Compton  families  until  1855. 


56  ELIOT   PAPERS 

"  will  boldh'  assert  thai?  he  is  not  intitled  as  a  Minister  of  the  Gospel  to 
"  the  reccivcing  of  Tithes.  It  appears  to  me  also  that  thou  hast  falsified 
"  thy  word  given  to  the  Lord  Mayor  and  taken  much  more  pewter  than 
"will  answer  thy  demand.  Prithee  consider  whether  this  be  acting 
"agreeable  to  the  charge  given  thee  to  make  the  suffering  as  easy  as 
"  possible,  for  whatever  money  thou  brings  back  I  can't  receive  but 
"  supposing  I  could,  new  pewter  is  not  to  be  bought  with  the  price  of 
"  old.     This  is  wrote  not  in  illwill  but  with  a  desire  for  thy  good. 

"  By  thy  friend     J.  E." 

John  Eliot  kept  his  accounts  quite  as  carefully  and  almost  as  neatly  as 
his  Grandfather  and  accordingly  we  have  in  his  private  Ledger  a  special 
page  of  "  Account  of  Plate,"  in  which  we  find  the  following  suggestive 
entries : — 

1765.     3  mo.  12.     By  Profit  and  Loss  for  silver  plate  taken  by  distress, 
value  ^179. 

1769.  3  mo.  31.     By  Profit  &  Loss  for  some  spoons  taken  for  a  Steep  : 
House*  rate  about  11*  mo.  last,  ^l      10     o. 

1770.  3  mo.  31.     By  Profit  &  Loss  for  a  milk  pot  taken  by  distress  for 
a  Steep :  Rate.     £1     6     9. 

1772.  6  mo.  2.     By  Profit  &  Loss  for  some  silver  spoons  distrained  at 
Hayes  for  Steep  :  Rates.     £2     o     o. 

1773.  12  mo.  20.     By  Profit  &  Loss  for  a  milk   pot  &  5  Tea  spoons 
taken  by  warrant,     ^i     10     o. 

1778.      12  mo.  31.     By  Profit  &   Loss.      Taken   by  distress  warrants, 
value  £6     2     8. 

do.     ^3     3     o. 

do.     Spoons,  value  £1     16     o. 

rtl  "  Church  "  for  a  building — so  called  it  a  "  Steeple 


1779.      12  mo.  31.     By  do. 

do 

1780.      12  mo.  30.     By  do. 

do 

*  The  Quakers  had  an  objection  to  the  u 

se  of  the 

ELIOT   PAPERS  57 

This  method  of  paying  Church  rates  became  so  well  recognised  that 
in  many  cases  it  degenerated  into  a  solemn  force  played  out  between  the 
Church  rate  Collector  and  the  Quaker.  It  was  perfectly  well  known 
when  the  former  would  call,  and  the  plate  basket  was  left  out  for  his 
convenience.  The  family  were  not  to  be  blamed  if  they  took  care  that  it 
happened  to  contain  such  spoons  as  could  be  best  spared.  In  my  child- 
hood it  used  to  be  supposed  that  any  bent  spoons  were  exchanged  with 
an  old  Quaker  Aunt  next  door  for  the  purpose.  Some  less  scrupulous 
Quakers  did  not  hesitate,  I  am  told,  to  buy  back  their  own  plate.  I  know 
of  one  instance  in  which  the  neighbourly  old  Collector  happened  to  come 
in  and  find  the  servant's  wages  all  set  out  in  neat  piles  of  coin,  whereupon 
he  remarked  that  it  would  be  much  the  simplest  plan  to  help  himself 
from  these  ;  which  he  accordingly  did,  thereby  quite  unintentionally  levy- 
ing an  illegal  distress,  as  no  money  may  be  distrained  on  unless  it  is 
contained  in  sealed  bags  ! 

The  following  memoranda,  left  by  John  Eliot,  also  come  in  appro- 
priately here. 

The  first  is  headed  "  Memorial  of  a  remarkable  Deliverance  from  the 
"  Lord  to  me  out  of  a  great  Streight  and  Trial."  It  is  far  too  long  to  give 
in  full  so  I  must  condense  it  as  much  as  possible.  "  On  the  7'''  of  the 
"  4"'  mo.,  1768,  I  was  chosen  by  the  Vestry  of  our  Parish  unto  the  Office 
"  of  Sidesman,  the  duty  of  which  is  to  assist  those  called  the  Church- 
"  wardens,  and  in  our  Parish  particularly  was,  as  I  was  informed,  to 
"  collect  the  Priests  wages  from  house  to  house."  He  naturally  raised 
objections  but  they  would  not  let  him  off  unless  he  paid  a  fine,  and,  while 
he  was  considering  what  course  he  should  adopt,  he  received  a  Citation 
to  appear  before  the  Surrogate  to  be  sworn  in,  "  which  struck  a  Damp  on 
"  me,  it  carrving  such  a  menacing  Air,  and  as  I  knew  before  and  had  a 
"  sense  of  the  murtherous  disposition  of  those  called  the  Clergy  and  their 
"  Courts."  He  therefore  consulted  various  Friends  Avho  appear  to  have 
been  of  the  opinion  that  he  might  properly  accept  the  office,  making  an 
affirmation  in  place  of  the  oath,  and  laying  down  the  condition  that  he 
should  do  only  what  was  consistent  with  his  religious  principles.  "  But 
"  still  with  me  there  seemed  a  Doubt  about  the  Thing,  not  seeing  clearly 
"  how  Friends  could  take  upon  them  the  name  of  Churchwarden,  although 


58  ELIOT   PAPERS 

"they  did  only  the  Civil  part,  as  the  care  of  the  Poor,  which  part  I 
"thought  I  could  be  very  willing  to  take  upon  me,  but  then  how  to 
"  separate  the  Civil  from  the  Ecclesiastical  duty  seemed  also  attended 
"  with  much  Difficulty."  He  therefore  consuhed  a  Proctor,  who  turned 
to  his  law-books  and  the  Articles  of  Visitation,  and  explained  to  him  that 
it  was  customary  to  omit  that  part  of  the  Churchwarden's  oath  which 
bound  them  to  make  presentments  of  notorious  drunkards,  &c.  "which 
"  the  Proctor  said  was  quite  right  because  it  raised  strife  in  Parishes. 
"  Thus  they  can  dispense  with  peoples  remaining  in  such  wickedness  tho' 
"  by  their  laws  they  ought  to  take  notice  of  and  reprove  them,  whilst  a 
"  poor  man  may  be  imprisoned  to  Death  for  refusing  to  pay  some  of 
"  them  Tythe  if  prosecuted  in  their  Court.  Which  shows  their  care  is 
"  more  for  themselves  or  their  Bellies  than  the  welfare  of  souls  either 
"  their  own  or  other  peoples.  Unwilling  however  to  be  singular  in 
"  making  a  scruple  where  my  brethren  see  none  and  thinking  it  but  right 
"  to  take  part  with  my  neighbours  in  the  Business  of  the  Parish,"  he 
decided  to  pay  his  fine  in  lieu  of  serving,  and  had  a  \' estry  called  for  that 
purpose.  "  But  oh  the  uneasiness  I  was  in  afterwards  and  the  Doubts 
"  and  Uncertainties  that  attended  me.  This  was  on  2°^  day  evening  & 
"  the  Vestry  was  to  meet  the  4"'  day  following.  The  3''^  day  morning  I 
"  went  to  Meeting  &  was  in  much  disquiet  of  mind,  but  when  I  looked 
"  towards  a  standing  against  the  thing  I  seemed  refreshed.  So  I  thought 
"  I  must  do  so  and  go  out  of  the  Meeting  to  put  by  the  Beadle  from 
"  giving  notice,  but  reflecting  again,  I  thought  it  might  be  as  well  to  let 
"  the  Vestry  meet,  if  it  was  but  to  acquaint  them  with  my  scruples  if 
"  peradventure  they  would  still  excuse  me  &  have  another  in  my  place. 
"  But  Xo  fine  I  was  no  longer  free,  and  it  was  a  trial  to  have  to  tell  the 
"  Vestry  so,  after  I  had  called  it  on  purpose  to  fine.  Nevertheless  Peace 
"seemed  to  be  on  that  side."  I  understand  that  the  difficulty  in  his 
mind  was  that,  if  he  paid  the  customary  fine  for  not  serving,  he  would 
thereby  be  committing  himself  to  the  principle  of  the  lawfulness  of  the 
office.  Thus  he  was  tossed  backwards  and  forwards,  from  scruple  to 
scruple,  rejecting  the  advice  of  older  Friends  who  saw  nothing  unlawful 
in  the  usual  way  of  getting  out  of  the  difficulty,  until  at  last — to  make  a 
long  story  short — a  kind  neighbour,  one  John  Planner,  came  forward  and 
unexpectedly  offered  to  stand  in  his  stead. 


ELIOT   PAPERS  59 

The  second  of  these  Memoranda  is  as  follows  ; — 

"About  y^  middle  of  1 1  mo.,  1768,  I  with  my  sister  &  two  other 
friends  living  in  our  Parish  were  summoned  before  Alderman  Kite, 
then  Mayor  of  London  to  answer  a  complaint  of  John  Mason  C.  Warden 
for  refusing  to  pay  that  called  the  Church  Rate.  We  attended  accord- 
ingly &  after  waiting  a  long  while  for  the  Warden  were  admitted  before 
the  Mayor  who  treated  us  very  courteously  &  heard  what  we  had  to 
say — then  gave  charge  to  the  Warden  to  take  his  demand  in  the  most 
easy  manner  he  could.  Notwithstanding  which,  when  he  came  to  make 
distress,  what  with  the  charges  which  were  enhanced  by  our  being  first 
summoned  by  a  wrong  Warrant,  and  the  management  of  the  Broker, 
our  Suffering  was  made  very  great.  And  when  I  complained  of  it  to 
the  Warden  and  asked  for  an  account  of  the  weight  of  the  pewter  could 
get  none,  only  was  told  he  had  measured  it.  It  was  hard  upon  some 
of  our  neighbours  who  were  low  in  circumstances,  yet  I  hope  the  Lord 
will  make  it  up.  The  Warden  &  Constable  took  the  pewter  &  other 
goods  to  themselves  at  the  Broker's  appraisement,  knowing  it  was  a 
good  bargain.  And  the  Mayor's  Clerk  though  he  professed  he  would 
bring  us  in  no  charge  for  the  fresh  summons,  brought  in  a  charge  of 
One  pound  nineteen  shillings  although  we  were  all  put  into  one 
Warrant.  The  person  who  took  the  pewter  at  the  Broker's  low 
appraisement  was  one  Bramhall,  who  keeps  an  alehouse  in  Bartholomew 
Close,  hard  by  where  I  live.  At  his  house  some  of  our  neighbours  of 
the  Parish  hold  a  club — one  of  whom,  John  Planner,  told  me  he  had 
seen  my  plates  there  and  eaten  off  them,  for  being  marked  with  the 
letters  J.  M.  E.  it's  pretty  plain  whose  they  were." 


E2 


CHAPTER    XIV. 


QUIET     LIFE 


There  does  not  seem  much  of  interest  to  detain  us  in  the  year  1758 
Unexpected  difficulties  cropped  up  about  the  purchase  of  Treworgy, 
which  delayed  the  completion  of  the  transaction  through  the  whole  of 
the  year.  The  wife  of  the  Vendor,  who  had  a  right  of  Dower  in  the 
estate,  proved  recalcitrant  and  declined  to  join  in  the  sale,  further  com- 
plicating matters  by  going  out  of  her  mind  after  she  had  promised  to  give 
way  but  before  the  necessary  papers  were  signed.  A  sister  also,  whose 
consent  appeared  to  be  needed,  threatened  to  give  trouble  "  not  being 
well,  or  as  he  (the  Vendor)  says  Histericall."  Truly  a  difficult  family  to 
deal  with.  At  last,  however,  after  voluminous  correspondence,  which 
J.  E.  conducted  with  good  sense,  firmness  and  no  small  patience  and 
courtesy,  all  was  set  right. 

On  the  I3">  April,  at  the  end  of  a  letter  to  his  Agent  about  this  subject, 
J.  E.  says  "The  night  before  last  y'=  new  Bridge  erected  pro  tempore 
"  whilst  London  Bridge  was  repairing  was  set  fire  to  &  burnt — whereby 
"  y"^  communication  betwixt  y^  City  &  Borough  will  be  stopt  for  3  weeks, 
"  in  w":''  time  y«  Contractors  have  engaged  to  make  y^  old  Bridge  passable. 
"  The  Perpetrators  of  this  wicked  Action  are  not  yet  discovered,  but 
"  supposed  to  be  some  Watermen." 

In  the  course  of  the  spring  the  need  for  a  country  house  for  "  Bella  " 
was  recognised,  and  various  places  were  looked  at.  Thus  on  April  27"' 
"  This  morning  with  my  Sister  in  y-'  stage  coach  to  Tottenham  to  look 
"  on  some  lodgings     ....     but  not  to  our  mind,  being  indifferently 


62  ELIOT  PAPERS  1758 

"  furnished  and  at  a  high  rent.  My  sister  could  not  get  a  place  back  in 
"  the  stage  &  was  obliged  to  stay  all  night  at  Friend  Bell's.  I  walked  to 
"  Town  I  hour  25  minutes." 

Finally  a  house  with  a  garden  was  taken  in  the  Richmond  Road, 
Putney,  and  apparently  furnished  from  Bartholomew  Close,  the  "house- 
hold goods"  being  sent  up  by  water.  The  planting  and  care  of  the 
garden  were  evidently  subjects  of  great  interest  to  the  Inmates  and  to 
the  kind  and  crotchetty  "  Uncle  Eliot."  Somewhere  in  the  neighbour- 
hood lived  a  widow  lady,  Mary  Weston,  with  her  daughter  Polly,  then 
about  15  vears  old.  John  Eliot  had  a  great  admiration  for  the  mother, 
of  whose  character  we  may  have  much  to  say  later  on,  and  Polly  herself 
will  re-appear  in  our  story  in  course  of  time. 

In  September  J.E.  made  a  journey  to  Worcestershire,  as  we  learn  from 
a  characteristic  letter  from  his  Uncle  who  had  been  staying  with  his 
"  dear  niece "  during  her  Brother's  absence.  In  the  course  of  this 
letter  he  remarks  "  we  read  both  thy  letters  tho'  I  am  at  a  loss  to  under- 
"  stand  what  thou  means  in  saying  'Sampson  Lloyd  &  his  wife,'  pray 
"where  does  that  Friend  live,  or  don't  thou  mean  Harford  Lloyd  &  his 
"  wife  as  I  never  heard  of  any  other  Lloyds  of  that  name  but  at  Birming- 
"  ham  and  those  two  I  know  are  single.  If  thou  see  Harford  Lloyd  &  wife 
"  please  give  my  kind  respects  to  them  both  ;  she  was  the  sister  to  a 
"  young  woman  whom  thy  Father  courted  as  also  to  one  who  I  would 
"gladly  have  married,  her  maiden  name  was  Andrews,  whose  family  I 
"  greatly  valued  and  believe  shall  continue  to  do  so  till  my  dyeing  days." 
This  little  glimpse  into  the  early  disappointment  which  left  him  a  hfe-long 
bachelor  is  very  interesting,  but  his  judgments  about  the  existence  of  a 
married  Sampson  Lloyd  were,  to  say  the  least,  hasty.  Sampson  Lloyd 
was  a  very  substantial  reality,  as  D'  Johnson  could  testify,  for  it  is 
related  that  the  two  got  into  such  deep  discussion  about  Quakerism  that 
the  Lexicographer  flung  down  Barclay's  Apolog}'  on  the  floor  and 
declined  to  continue  the  conversation  ;  repenting  afterwards,  however,  of 
his  ill-temper — the  next  day  he  called  on  Sampson  Lloyd  at  his  Bank 
and,  holding  out  his  hand,  said  :  "  Lloyd,  I  am  the  better  logician,  but 
you  are  the  better  Christian." 

Sampson  Lloyd  was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  twice  married,  and  the  wife 
whose  existence  P.  E.  doubted,  was  the  second.  It  was  he  who  built 
"  The  Farm,"  at  Sparkbrook,  that  hospitable  mansion  where  so  many  of 


1758  ELIOT   PAPERS  63 

his  descendants  have  passed  happy  days,  and  which  is  still  inhabited  by 
his  family.  If  Phihp  Eliot  could  have  peeped  some  66  years  into 
futurity,  he  might  have  seen  a  grandson  of  John  Eliot  leaving  Bartholo- 
mew Close,  to  bring  a  great-_grand-daughter  of  Sampson  Lloyd  as  his 
bride  to  Tottenham  ;  there  to  live  honoured  and  beloved  as  a  wife,  a 
mother,  a  grandmother,  and  a  great-grandmother,  handing  down  the  name 
of  Eliot  as  a  Christian  name  after  it  had  died  out  as  a  surname.  It  may 
be  satisfactory  to  know  that  some  months  later  P.E.  was  clearly 
convinced  of.  the  identity  of  Sampson  Lloyd  and  his  wife  by  their 
paying  him  a  visit  in  London. 


CHAPTER    XV. 
A    LOVE    AFFAIR,    A    JOURNEY    AND    A    TRAGEDY 


In  J.B's  Journal  of  4'''  Dec.  1758,  occurred  the  following  entry  : 
"  My  Uncle  &  Aunts  Eliot  supped  with  me.  On  fit  mention  d'une 
"certaine  fille  nommee  H.  que  Ton  me  souhaitait  d'aller  voir"  and  the 
next  day  "  to  Uncle  Eliot's  and  to  David  Barclay's  in  Cheapside,  ou  je 
'  fus  dans  la  compagnie  de  la  jeune  fille."  On  the  3'''' June,  1759,  "Je 
'  communiquai  a  ma  Soeur  mon  desir  d'aller  voir  la  fille  a  Bristol,  ce 
'  qu'elle  ne  desapprouva  point.  J'ai  ete  confirme  dans  cette  resolution, 
'  voyant  que  mes  parens  me  sont  pour  la  plupart  etranges.  Le  deplaisir 
'  de  mon  Grandpere  m'ayant  occasionne  beaucoup  de  Tristesse." 

These  slight  indications  open  up  the  next  chapter  in  John  Eliot's 
history.  Shall  we  call  it  an  affair  of  the  heart  ?  or  was  it  only  of  the 
judgment  ?  At  any  rate  it  was  a  matter  of  serious  reality  this  time. 
Judy  Boddington — if  ever  she  had  been  a  candidate  for  his  affections — 
was  now  quite  forgotten,  and  Betsey  Johnson,  who  had  I  think  been 
taken  into  serious  consideration,  had  become  a  firm  friend,  and  nothing 
more. 

"  La  fille "  in  question  appears  to  have  been  a  Miss  Harford,  of 
Bristol.  I  have  no  further  information  as  to  the  branch  of  that  well 
known  family  from  which  she  sprang,  except  that  her  Mother,  Mary 
Harford,  was  at  that  time  a  widow,  that  her  own  name  was  Betsey,  that 
she  had  a  married  brother  James,  and  that  the  connection  appears  to 
have  been  a  most  suitable  one,  and  to  have  had  the  approval  of  the  Uncle 


66  ELIOT  PAPERS  1759 

Philip  Eliot,  and  apparently,  also  of  the  formidable  Aunts.  The  history 
of  the  affair  as  far  as  we  can  trace  it  by  the  letters,  forms  an  interesting 
study,  and  led  to  serious  consequences,  though  not  what  was  expected 
by  any  of  the  parties  concerned  in  it. 

I  wish  I  could  find  as  regular  journals  of  this  period  as  there  are  in 
1757,  but  they  are  entered  in  a  scrappy  way  in  various  memorandum 
books,  and  apparently  not  kept  up  regularly  when  J.  E.  journeyed  about. 
Sometimes  they  break  off  in  a  most  aggravating  way.  In  May,  the 
Uncle  and  Nephew  started  off  on  a  journey  to  Bristol,  doubtless  to  "voir 
la  fille"  together.  There  are  full  details  till  they  get  to  Bath  ;  then, 
just  when  we  want  to  hear  some  gossip  about  Bristol  and  its  fair 
inhabitant,  the  pages  are  blank.  They  left  their  horses  for  9  nights  at 
the  White  Hart,  at  Bristol,  so  it  is  evident  they  made  some  stay.  The 
result  of  the  inspection  seems  to  have  been  quite  satisfactory,  to  the 
Uncle,  at  any  rate. 

It  appears,  by  two  letters  written  to  her  Brother  by  Mariabella, 
that  their  address  was  at  the  house  of  "  Peregrine  Bowen,  Merchant, 
Bristol."  These  letters  are  so  characteristically  unselfish  (considering 
what  a  change  would  be  made  in  her  life  if  the  object  of  the  journey 
were  accompHshed)  that  I  must  give  some  extracts. 

"Putney  12/5  mo.  1759 

"  Dear  Brother, 

Thy  letter  from  Reading  which  I  Received  yesterday  gave  me 
"  double  pleasure  being  a  proof  of  thy  kindness  and  bringing  me  the 
"  welcome  news  of  your  health  and  safety.  My  Uncle's  threatenings  I 
"  receive  with  joy  and  shall  impatiently  wait  to  see  them  accompHshed. 
"  The  garden  &  country  and  weather  are  pleasant.  I  hope  these  last  are 
"  so  with  you.  Sam  :  Boddington  was  not  returned  from  Crayford  when 
"  I  left  London,  but  I  have  some  expectation  of  a  visit  here  from  Betsey 
"Johnson — should  that  fail  the  Box  in  the  Closet  will  keep  me  company 
"  long  enough  and  I  hope  will  engage  me  so  much  that  I  shall  scarcely 
"  get  rid  of  the  superfluities  with  which  it  abounds  before  your  return. 
"  Yesterdays  post  brought  me  no  letter  neither  has  any  Bills  called  for 
"  acceptance,  shou'd  there  any  during  my  absence  I  have  left  directions 
'  in  Writing  with  the  maids  that  they  may  not  mistake. 


1759  ELIOT  PAPERS  67 

"  If  this  letter  seems  to  want  some  apology,  as  well  as  my  last  from 
"  its  emptyness,  remember  tis  from  travellers  we  expect  news  and  amuse- 
"  ment ,  the3%  every  day  changing  the  scene  and  there  Company,  cannot 
"  fail  of  subjects  plentiously  to  fill  their  letters,  as  on  the  contrary  those 
'■  that  stay  at  home  meet  with  few  occurrences,  the  relation  of  which 
"  cou'd  any  ways  entertain  them  who  are  already  so  much  better 
"  engaged." 

"  and  now  I'll  take  my  leave  first  desiring  thoul't  remember  me  in  the 
"best  manner  to  my  Uncle,  &  believe  me  to  be  most  sincerely  thy 
"  Loving  &  affect*  Sister 

Mariabella  Eliot." 
"  Putney,  15th  5  mo.  1759 
"  Dear  Brother, 

.  .  .  .  please  return  my  thanks  (to  my  uncle)  both  for  his 
"  letter  and  wishes  which  I  much  desire  may  be  accomphshed.  I  am 
"  very  glad  to  hear  your  journey  proves  so  pleasant  and  satisfactory,  may 
"  this  satisfaction  continue  and  greatly  increase,  especially  during  your 
"  stay  at  Bristoll,  and  as  for  that  great  Loss  my  Uncle  speaks  of,"  (I 
suppose  that  the  Uncle  had  foretold  the  loss  of  J.E's  heart)  "  I  heartily 
"  wish  it  may  attend  this  journey  provided  thou  mayst  at  the  same  time 
"  gain  one  in  exchange  and  equal  to  thy  Loss,  but  willt  thou  suffer  me 
"  to  say — where  can  such  an  one  be  found  :  they  are  not  very  plenty, 
"  that  I'm  sure.  I  speak  sincerely,  thou  knows't  I  speak  my  mind  to 
"  thee  &  have  told  thee  already  my  thoughts  on  this  subject  and  wou'd 
"  more  amply  now,  was  I  not  straitened  for  time,  occasion'd  by  my  being 
"  in  the  Country  must  send  my  letter  according  to  the  Tide  to  be  put 
"  into  the  post  &  could  not  write  it  sooner  having  been  disappointed  in 
"  receiving  my  Uncles  and  one  from  Topsham  for  thee,  till  this  morning, 
"  through  the  customary  negligence  of  Hills  people."  (It  is  evident 
from  the  above  that,  at  that  time,  there  was  neither  collection  nor 
delivery  of  letters  at  Putney :  they  had  to  be  sent  in  to  London  appar- 
ently by  boat  and  sent  out  by  the  coach.)  .  ..."  I  hope  nothing 
"  I  have  said  above  may  make  thee  think  I  have  not  a  good  opinion  of 
"  Bristoll  or  doubt  its  possessing  good.  Let  this  suffice  to  show  the 
"  sincerity  of  my  wishes  for  thy  happiness  when  I  tell  thee  that  I  wish 
"  it  at  least  equal  if  not  more  than  my  own."     .... 

"  Thy  truly  affectionate 

"  Mariabella  Eliot." 


68  ELIOT  PAPERS  1759 

In  June  (see  quotation  from  Journal  on  page  65)  John  evidently 
carried  out  the  intention  expressed  in  his  journal  and  took  Bella  down 
to  Bristol  with  him,  for  he  expended  "near  12  guineas"  in  a  journey  by 
post  chaise  to  Bristol  and  back.  (When  traveUing  with  his  Uncle  they 
went  on  horseback.) 

In  July  or  August  the  Brother  and  Sister  started  otT  again  Westward, 
either  posting  or  taking  their  own  carriage,  and  on  this  journey  we  have 
more  light,  for  several  letters  passed  between  John  Eliot  and  other 
members  of  his  family.*  One  object  of  the  journey  was  to  pay  a 
visit  to  Treworgy,  but  another,  no  less  important  was  to  press  forward 
the  suit  with  Miss  Harford.  They  took  as  a  companion  "  Betsey 
Johnson,"  doubtless  the  young  lady  of  whom  we  have  heard  before. 
The  letters  tell  their  own  tale  of  the  progress  of  the  little  romance. 

Philip  Eliot  to  John  and  Mariabella  EHot. 

London,  ye  jd  8/mo.  1759. 

"  My  dear  Children 

I  hope  e'er  you  have  received  this  you  have  accomplished  your 
"  journey  much  to  your  satisfaction — and  as  Treworgy  by  John's  des- 
"  cription  is  surrounded  by  hills  with  lofty,  towering  trees  and  on  one 
"  side  y^  sea  in  view  and  the  hurry  of  London  quite  ceased,  you  will 
"  have  nothing  to  employ  your  thoughts  about  but  making  Verses,^  and 
"  in  order  thereto,  inclosed  goes  a  copy  of  the  long  wished  for  letter 
"  w'=''  came  last  6'''  day  to  my  father — w'^'^  has  removed  his  anger,  tho' 
"  the  length  of  its  coming  had  almost  killed  me  and  I  really  believe  this 
"  answer  has  been  quickened  thro'  my  means,  else  why  did  it  not  come 
"  sooner.  However  thou  sees  where  the  difficulty  lyes,  and  if  Love  is 
"  strong,  remember  Jacob,  how  many  years  he  served  his  father  in  law 
"  Laban  for  Rachell — the  terms  is  not  hard  and  thou  not  old.  Probably 
"  her  Mother  with  the  assistance  of  some  good  Friend  might  mitigate  &. 
"  easie  thee  of  thy  pleasant  servitude  &.  make  things  more  tolerable. 
"  Who  knows  w'  the  Cornish  Yearly  Meeting  may  do,  and  as  you  are 

A    Diary  of  this   journey  \\a»    liept    by    Mariabella    Eliot,  which    has  come    into  my    hands  since   these 
pages  were  in  print.      Some  extracts  are  given  in  the  Appendix,  page  129,  &c. 

t  The  verses  were  written,  but  neither  he  nor  they  then  foresaw  the  sad  event  which  they  were  to  com- 
memorate.     See  Appendix,  page  127. 


1759  ELIOT  PAPERS  69 

by  yourselves  and  noe  old  Uncle  at  hand  to  overlook,  you  may  depend 
some  of  that  family  will  be  there  &  probably  the  very  object  of  all 
Happyness,  when  the  stress  (?)  of  this  Letter  may  be  laid  open  to  her 
as  occasion  offers,  made  use  of,  with  all  y^  assurances  consistent  with 
truth,  the  great  value  thou  hast  for  her,  and  am  sure  did  thy  heart  burn 
with  a  flame  equall  to  mine  that  she  might  be  my  niece  thou  wouldst 
leave  no  stone  unturned  untill  thou  hadst  gained  her.  The  greatest 
cause  of  all  my  pain  and  illness  has  been  on  thine  &  Betsey's  account, 
lest  anything  should  prove  a  prevention  to  y''  joining  your  hands  & 
hearts  together." 

Then  follows  more  good  advice  as  to  his  proceedings,  with  news  of 
the  garden  at  Putney  and  the  house  in  Bartholomew  Close,  and  love  to 
Betsey  Johnson — "so  remain  with  dear  love  to  yourselves 

"  Your  affectionate  Uncle 

PhiHp  Eliot." 

(This  letter  bears  the  remains  of  a  seal  clearly  showing  the  arms  and 
crest  of  the  Eliot  family — as  described  hereafter.) 

The  enclosed  copy  of  Mrs  Harford's  letter  is  as  follows : 

"  Resp"J  Friend 

'  I  received  both  thy  Favours  in  course,  have  considered  the 
"  contents  and  am  obliged  to  thee  for  the  regard  thou  expresses  for  my 
"  Family. 

"  As  to  the  Proposalls  I  am  still  of  the  same  Sentiments  as  when  thy 
"  Grandson  was  here,  which  conclude  he  has  acquainted  thee  wdth,  viz'. 
"  that  I  thought  my  Daughter  too  young  to  engage  in,  or  to  judge 
"  properly  in  an  affair  of  so  much  consequence  and  I  should  think  myself 
"  blameable  to  give  consent  to  any  advance  without  her  knowledge,  as 
"  her  approbation  is  the  materiall  point.  Was  she  of  proper  age,  should 
"  not  hesitate  to  mention  it  to  her,  but  as  the  case  is  otherwise  must  beg 
"  to  be  excused  from  taking  any  steps  in  the  affair.  I  am  with  due 
"  respects 

"  Thy  assured  Friend 

"  Mary  Harford." 
Bristol,  31  7  mo.  1759. 


70  ELIOT  PAPERS  1759 

LONDON  y^  9*''  8/mo.  1759. 
Philip  Eliot  to  John  Eliot. 
"  My  dear  John, 

I  wrote  thee  last  night  and  considering  the  situation  of  the  place 
"  thou  art  in,  that  news  in  the  Political  World  won't  be  disagreeable,  I 
"  here  send  thee  an  acC  that  an  express  came  yesterday  of  Prince 
"  Ferdinand    gaining   a    compleat   victory  over   Marshall   Coutades   and 


kilUn£ 


in  y^  field  of  Battle  -  5000 

Drown''  in  y^  flight  -  3000 

Taken  prisoners  -  8000 

"  Totall  -  16000 


"besides  1500  stand  of  Arms,  150  p"'  Iron  cannon  &  morters  &  50 
"  Brass  ditto.  3000  covered  waggons  besides  all  the  Baggage.  There 
"  is  also  advice  that  Admiral  Druell  (?)  had  taken  a  French  Man  of  War 
"  64  and  a  Frig'  24  guns  with  6  Transports  b**  to  Quebeck  &  had  sunk  a 
"  man  of  war  of  50  guns.  Our  Citty  was  illuminated  from  one  end  to 
"  the  other  last  night  and  Jno.  Wallis,  Doct.  Fothergill,  Robert  Plumstead 
"  Besington,  Doctor  Talwyn  &  severall  others  grossly  abused  by  breaking 
"  their  windows.  The  Citty  Marshall  was  there  but  was  like  to  be  killed 
"  being  knocked  down  and  great  abuse  was  shown  to  y=  Constables. 
"  There  is  8  or  9  secured  in  the  Counter,  two  of  them  are  persons  of 
"  Figure — One  of  which,  its  said,  has  offered  ^500  for  his  liberty.  I 
"  wish  an  example  may  be  made  of  them,  &c.,  &c.  Stocks  has  risen  2 
"  per  cent." 

Really,  really  !  Uncle  Eliot,  dost  thou  consider  this  quite  consistent  .■* 
What  an  example  thy  evident  and  most  unquakerly  interest  in  the  War 
must  have  set  to  thy  John  and  Bella.  Let  us  hope  that  it  deeply 
shocked  them  as  it  does  thy  devoted  great,  great,  great  nephew  who 
regards  thy  memory  with  such  affection  ! 

On  the  12'''  August  John  writes  a  long  letter  in  reply  to  his  Uncle's 
of  the  3"^.  "The  enclosed  copy"  (the  letter  from  Mrs  Harford)  "I  have 
"  thoroughly  considered  and  it  appears  to  me  to  be  the  product  of  deep 
"  study,  but  whether  I  have  reason  to  hope  anything  from  it  is  a  Doubt 
"  with  me.     Indeed  thou  wilt  say  that  if  I  have  no  direct  encouragement. 


1759  ELIOT  PAPERS  7I 

"  at  least  there  is  no  positive  prohibition  against  my  proceeding — but 
"  then  may  not  the  Widow's  refusal  to  make  her  daughter  acquainted 
"  with  the  matter  be  a  plausible  cover  for  her  dislike  of  the  Offer  which 
"  she  might  not  perhaps  care  to  signify  more  plainly.  One  thing  how- 
"  ever  I  am  glad  of  which  is,  that  mv  Grandfather's  displeasure  is 
"  removed.  Now  if  thou  askest  what  I  intend  to  do  further  in  the 
"  Affair,  I  answer  that  since  the  Widow  lays  me  under  no  Restriction,  I 
"  may  consider  myself  at  Liberty  to  make  known  my  sentiments  to  her 
"  Daughter,  which  I  perceive  is  agreeable  to  thy  way  of  thinking. 
"  I  come  now  to  what  has  given  me  pain  to  hear,  that  thy  health  continues 

"  to  be  bad I  was  over  yesterday  at  Treworgy  to  prepare 

"  things  but  we  cannot  get  our  goods  there  till  to-morrow  they  having 
"  been  detained  with  the  maid  on  the  road."  Bella  adds  an  affectionate 
note  begging  her  Uncle  to  come  and  join  them  and  John  closes  with  a 
postscript  "  I  also  join  in  intreating  thee  to  come  down  to  see  us  in  the 
"  Country." 

I  think  that  there  must  be  some  correspondence  missing,  for  it  is 
evident  that  during  the  next  few  days  our  Love  affair  all  went  wrong. 
John  appears  to  have  communicated  a  report  which  proved  quite  un- 
founded, that  Mrs  Harford  was  about  to  marry  again — an  idea  which 
gave  great  offence  to  Grandfather  Eliot.  I  do  not  know  why,  for  he  can 
hardly  have  objected  on  principle  to  second  marriages,  having  himself  set 
the  example.  Perhaps,  as  the  reputed  bridegroom  was  an  Underwriter, 
it  was  simply  the  old  story  that  "two  of  a  trade  seldom  agree"  or  perhaps 
J.S.  was  guilty  of  the  unpardonable  crime  of  undertaking  "  Risks"  at  too 
low  a  rate  of  premiums.  Although  this  cloud  was  dissipated,  some  other 
cause  had  given  great  offence  to  the  elder  Ehots  and  the  LIncle  Philip 
evidently  considered  the  affair  at  an  end  and  took  the  disappointment 
deeply  to  heart.  We  must  remember  that  the  match  was  one  of  his 
own  proposing,  and  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  he  was  more  in  earnest 
about  it  than  his  nephew. 

Phihp  Eliot  to  John  EHot.  LONDON  y^  23"^  8  mo.  1759. 

"  My  very  dear  Nephew 

"  With  much  labour  1  write  this  (being  bolstered  up  in  the  bed) 
"but  as  its  a  Cause  of  Ve  highest  consequence  to  thy  Interest  was  deter- 
"  mined  to  run  all  Hazards  as  to  my  Self,  having  offered  up  already  my 


72  ELIOT  PAPERS  I759 

"  Life  on  thy  account.  I  shall  not  enlarge  further  on  that  subject :  every 
"  day  that  thy  Grandfather  calls  upon  me  (he)  enquires  if  (I)  have 
"  received  a  Ltre  from  thee  &  what  further  news  :  for  instance  I  told  him 
"y^  report  of  the  Widow  H.  being  shortly  to  be  married  with  Joseph 
"  Scott  the  Underwriter  whose  Country  House  was  near  Ilford  in  Essex, 
"  he  immediately  broke  out  in  a  fitt  of  cruel  resentment  and  declared  if 
"  ever  she  married  him  he  would  never  give  his  consent  for  thee  to 
"  marry  her  Daughter  &  therefore  seeing  she  has  fixed  her  limited  time 
"  for  her  to  see  the  World  and  will  not  submitt  for  her  Daughter  to  be 
"  married  untill  she  is  24  years — so  also  I  request  thou'I  turn  thy  back 
"  upon  both  her  and  her  Mother  &  show  thyself  by  thy  actions  that  thou 
"  esteemed  thy  family  in  another  Light  than  to  be  treated  with  contempt 
"  by  such  a  woman  as  the  Widow  Harford  who  by  a  little  ellevation  had 
"  forgott  all  good  manners  &  breeding.  I  am  very  sorry  things  have  gone 
"  so  far,  but  I  would  lett  it  drop  for  the  present  ...  in  my  opinion 
"  the  match  won't  do.  It  will  be  with  difficulty  thou  reads  it  &  yett  I 
"  can't  be  easy  unless  send  it  notwithstanding  my  right  hand  is  much 
"  swelled  thou'I  see  my  meaning  &  act  with  wisdom  &  then  shall  be 
"  happy.     With  dear  love  to  all  I  remain 

Thy  affectionate  Uncle 

Phihp  Eliot." 
John  Eliot  Sen^  to  John  Eliot  Jun'. 

LONDON  22  Aug.  1759. 
"  Dear  Children 

Your  letter  from  Liskeard  gave  me  great  satisfaction  inasmuch  as 
"  it  advised  of  your  safe  getting  there  in  health  and  without  any  impedi- 
"  ment  on  the  road  w=''  I  wish  may  attend  you  until  your  arrival  here  : 
"  Be  careful  how  you  perplex  yr  minds  about  H  .  .  .  d.  ¥■■  Uncle  E — t 
"  has  been  confined  to  his  bed  a  week  and  has  been  attended  by  D'. 
"  Fothergill  &  acknowledges  to  me  yt  he  beheves  his  illness  is  owing 
"  chiefly  to  y<=  disappointment  he  &  you  have  met  with — he  had  a  pretty 
"  good  night  &  hopes  he  is  much  better. 

"  I  hope  Bella  will  endeavour  to  see  all  ye  principal  Towns  especially 
"  S*.  Austle  where  I  drew  my  first  breath,  and  will  keep  a  Journall  of  all 
"  remarkable  objects  she  meets  with  and  hope  before  she  leaves  Cornwall 
"  will  learn  to  drink  Syder  and  eat  brown  bread,  both  which  are  very 
"  holdsome  &  conducive  to  health,  but  not  to  be  too  free  with  y«  Syder — 


1759  ELIOT  PAPERS  73 

"  wine  and  water  being  more  y''  constant  drink.      We  at  Croydon  through 
"  Mercy  enjoy  heahh.     May  God  preserve  you  is  y<=  praj^er  of 

¥■■  affect<=  G.  Father 

Jno.  EHot. 
"  P.S. — When  you  are  at  S'.  Austle  let  it  be  of  a  Friday  being  Marl<et 
"  day  when  y'^  Town  will  appear  most  alive  &  believe  to  your  liking." 

John  Eliot  Jun^.  replies  to  his  Uncle  in  a  long  letter.  Alluding  to  the 
regret  with  which  he  had  heard  and  communicated  the  report  of  Mrs 
Harford's  intended  marriage,  he  proceeds — 

"  But  I  could  not  let  this  or  any  former  Behaviour  deter  me  wholly 
"  from  thinking  upon  the  Daughter  for  whom  I  have  a  real  regard 
"  founded  not  so  much  on  the  agreeableness  of  her  mien  &  person  as  on 
"  the  appearance  of  Gravity  &  serious  turn  of  mind  so  uncommon  in  one 
"  of  her  years  and  promising  the  most  happy  Advancements  in  Virtue  & 
"  Religion." 

But  now  comes  the  real  tragedy :  surely  the  strangest  ending  to  a 
romance  :  the  rejected  lover  goes  on  his  way  with  equanimity  while 
his  old  Uncle  breaks  his  heart  over  the  disappointment  and  dies. 

John  Eliot  Sen''   to  John  Eliot  Jun^  Sept.  I,  1759. 
"  D"'  Grandson 

I  rec"  thy  letter  from  Liskeard  &.  Treworgy  &  am  now  with  the 
"  utmost  concern  to  acquaint  thee  the  state  of  thy  Uncle.  On  Wednes- 
"  day  last  the  D"'  gave  great  hopes  of  his  recovery,  but  this  night  he 
"  despairs  of  it  and  fears  he  will  not  survive  the  time  this  may  reach  thy 
"  hands.  I  think  it  necessary  thou  comes  to  Town  with  all  convenient 
"  speed  and  am  with  dear  love  Thy  affecf^  G.  Father 

Jno.  Eliot." 
London,  Sept.  i,  1759. 

And  so  the  loving  faithful  heart  ceased  to  beat  on  the  2nd  September. 
One  of  the  last  things  recorded  of  him  is  that  a  day  or  two  before  his 
death  when  some  letters  were  brought  to  him  he  asked  "  Is  there  any- 
"  thing  about  my  Nephew  &  Niece,  for  as  for  other  matters,  those  of 
"  business,  I  have  nothing  further  to  do  with  them,  having  finished  with 
"  the  world." 


74  ELIOT  PAPERS  1759 

A  few  days  before  his  death  he  had  a  dream  that  a  man  came  to  arrest 
him  for  a  debt  and  pushed  him  into  a  corner,  "  Wait  "  repUed  he,  "  I 
have  money  to  pay  you."  "  Oh  "  said  the  man  "  that  is  not  the  thing, 
this  debt  is  not  to  be  paid  with  Money."  When  he  awoke  he  recounted 
the  dream  to  his  nurse  and  said  that  he  knew  well  that  the  person  who 
had  appeared  to  him  was  Death,  and  that  his  time  had  come. 

A  well-known  Friend,  Samuel  Spavold,*  came  and  prayed  with  him 
and  shortly  afterwards  he  was  oflFered  some  food  which  he  declined, 
saying  that  he  "  had  received  Christ,"  meaning  no  doubt  that  he  now 
needed  nothing  further. 

I  believe  that  John  Eliot's  descendants  owe  more  to  the  influence  of 
this  faithful  man's  character  than  has  ever  been  recognised. 


*  Samuel  Spavold,  who  was  evidently  a  Minister  of  some  distinction  in  the  Society  at  this  time,  was 
originally  a  ship's  carpenter,  and,  I  believe,  in  Government  employ.  He  lived  to  a  great  age,  and  in  his 
latter  years  was  married  to  Phoebe,  widow  of  William  Lucas,  of  Hitchin,  .-it  which  place  he  died.  Her 
maiden  name  w.is  Grey,  connected  by  marriage  with  the  Vickris,  H.irford  and  other  Quaker  families. 


CHAPTER    XVr. 


LIFE    FLOWS    ON    QUIETLY    AGAIN 


We  can  well  believe  that  the  Nephew  and  Niece  hurried  home  from 
Treworgy,  and  I  do  not  know  that  they  ever  afterwards  made  much 
residence  there.  Pickhurst  and  Ashmore  occupied  their  thoughts  a  few 
years  later,  and  the  management  of  Treworgy  was  left  to  agents. 

In  tracing  out  the  remainder  of  our  story  we  shall  miss  the  kindly 
company  of  the  gouty  Uncle,  and  the  correspondence  becomes  sensibly 
more  dull  when  there  are  no  more  of  his  letters  to  enhven  it.  Even  his 
scoldings  were  so  spirited  that  one  would  rather  have  them  than  acres  of 
the  subsequent  letters  of  the  family  which  have  been  preserved. 

John  Eliot  appears  to  have  kept  copies  of  every  letter  that  he  wrote, 
in  a  series  of  books.  This  was  always  done  with  great  neatness  and 
sometimes  in  an  exquisite  copper-plate  hand-writing.  Occasionally  we 
come  across  letters  possibly  copied  by  Mariabella,  whose  hand-writing 
was  not  equal  to  her  Brother's,  being  a  bad  imitation  of  the  cramped 
but  beautiful  XVII  century  hand  adopted  by  her  Mother's  family.  Many 
of  these  books  of  letter  copies  remain,  but  they  offer  little  of  interest 
during  the  next  three  years,  except  when  they  give  a  passing  glimpse 
into  ways  of  life  with  which  we  are  no  longer  familiar. 

Thus  the  following  evidently  relate  to  the  prize-money  due  to  a 
seaman  who  had  served  on  board  some  Privateer,  (I  should  have  thought 
that  J.E's  scruples  would  have  prevented  his  mixing  himself  up  with  so 
warUke  a  business.) 

27'''  9  mo.  1759. 

"  George  Borlase  Jun^     I  received  thine  with  the  power  of  Attorney 

"  from  Robert  Gilhs  and  am  very  ready  to  serve  thee  in  this  affair,  but 

"  must  tell  thee  with  concern  that  the  Managers  of  the  Privateers  seem 

"  not  so  ready  to  pay  oif  the  poor  seamen.     I  attended  yesterday  as  long 

F2 


76  ELIOT  PAPERS  I759 

"  as  my  business  would  permitt  &  then  w^  have  left  the  power  for  some- 
"  body  to  receive  for  me  but  that  was  not  admitted  by  the  Managers  so 
"  that  one  may  wait  a  whole  day  and  perhaps  to  no  purpose  after  all,  as  I 
"  was  assured  my  man  had  not  been  called.  Thej'  are  to  sit  again  next 
"  week  when  I  hope  to  meet  with  better  success." 

At  last  on  the  25"^  of  10  mo.  1759  he  has  succeeded. 
"  George  Borlase  Jun^ 

"In  my  last"  (a  letter  dated  18'*^  lO  mo.)  "I  mentioned,  since 
"  I  found  such  a  difficulty  in  doing  it  myself,  to  employ  the  Privateer's 
"  Agent  to  receive  Robert  Gillis'  prize  money  by  Virtue  of  a  power  of 
"  substitution,  this  method  has  succeeded  and  he  has  just  sent  me  the 
"following  account"  (The  share  was  ^36  3  1 1,  but  various  deductions 
and  expenses  brought  it  down  to  ^19  19  0.)  "  He  has  also  paid  me 
"  this  Ballance  which  I  hold  at  thy  disposal.  My  trouble  in  the  affair 
"  thou  hast  gratis.  It  would  have  pleased  me  had  I  been  able  to  have 
"  advised  the  receipt  of  the  money  sooner,  but  shall  not  dwell  on  the 
"  disagreeable  delays." 

The    following    letter    illustrates    the    admirable   care  taken   by  the 
Quakers  to  avoid  scandal  occurring  in  their  body  through  the  failure  of 
any  Member  to  pay  his  debts,  and  the  substantial  kindness  shown  when 
the  financial  difficulty  arose  from  misfortune  and  not  from  misconduct. 
"115  mo.  1762.     Nich=  Burtt,  Shopkeeper  at  Cro3^don. 

"  My  time  having  been  very  much  taken  up  of  late  various  ways 
"  is  the  cause  why  thou  hast  not  heard  from  me  sooner  on  the  subject 
"  of  thy  own  Aftairs.  The  method  of  giving  up  all  to  thy  Creditors  and 
"  so  to  be  clear"^  by  them  is  what  many  would  advise  in  the  present 
"  situation  and  would  be  my  advice  likewise,  if  that  All  was  sufficient. 
"  But  as  it  is  not  so,  I  would  fain  avoid  the  reproach  of  its  being  made 
"  publick  for  thy  own  and  the  Truth's  sake.  And  if  this  can  be  brought 
"  about  by  the  Assistance  of  one  or  two  friends  more,  I  think  to 
"  attempt  it.  For  the  present,  John  Towns'^  with  me  thinks  it  would  be 
"  necessary  and  proper  for  thee  to  make  an  offer  of  the  sale  of  the 
"  House  to  W""  Grover  who  has  the  Mortgage  and  desire  a  speedy 
"  answer.  It  will  be  time  enough  to  set  a  price  when  thou  findest  him 
"  disposed  to  buy.  If  anything  material  occurs  in  the  meanwhile,  I 
"  expect  to  be  informed  and  also  when  thou  hast  W.G's  answer.  I  think 
"  to  be  at  the  adjourned  Quarts  Meets  at  Guildford  on  2"^  day." 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

ANOTHER    EVENTFUL    YEAR 
MARRIAGE    AND    OTHER    SERIOUS    MATTERS 


The  year  1762  was  an  eventful  one  in  the  EHot  family.  On  the 
25'''  5  mo.  1762  I  find  an  indication  of  important  changes  in  a  letter  to 
his  old  friend  and  agent,  John  Trehawke,  of  Liskeard.  "The  Alteration 
"  talked  of  will  probably  take  place  in  less  than  2  months — which  will 
"add  to  the  name  of  Ehot  and  lessen  that  of  Weston — lege  Mary 
"  Weston." 

How  we  miss  the  company  of  the  kind  old  Uncle  in  tracing  out  this 
part  of  the  history  which  was  of  such  importance  in  John  Eliot's  life. 
For  at  last  he  had  made  his  choice  of  a  companion  for  life,  and  it  was 
one  which,  as  I  believe,  Phihp  Eliot  would  have  entirely  approved.  We 
have  already  made  some  acquaintance  with  the  widow  lady,  Mary 
Weston,  who  lived  "  upon  the  Hill,  by  or  in  Wandsworth  Westwards," 
(as  the  direction  on  an  old  letter  informs  us)  with  her  young  daughter 
Polly.  (The  Mother's  name  in  her  own  youth  was  "  Molsy.")  As  Mary 
Weston,  Jun^,  was  born  in  August,  1743,  she  must  have  been  very 
young  when  she  was  engaged  to  John  EHot,  but  perhaps  she  presented 
that  "  appearance  of  Gravity  &  serious  turn  of  mind,  so  uncommon  in 


78  ELIOT  PAPERS  1762 

"  one  of  her  vears  and  promising  the  most  happy  Advancements  in 
"  Virtue  and  ReHgion  "  which  we  know  were  calculated  to  win  his  sober 
approval. 

The  match  was  one  of  true  and  enduring  affection,  and  one  longs  to 
have  some  details  of  the  courtship,  but  here  journals  and  letters  are, 
alas  !  silent.  Nor  have  we  any  portrait  unless  it  be  one  of  the  many 
nameless  "  silhouettes  "  in  black  frames  which  remain  to  the  embarrass- 
ment of  descendants.  Whatever  may  have  been  her  personal  attractions 
she  is  supposed  by  the  family  to  have  introduced  the  "  Weston  paw','  an 
undesirable  feature  apt  to  recur  when  such  an  inheritance  is  least  desired. 

In  making  final  choice  of  a  wife,  John  Eliot  (III)  followed  his  own 
judgment  rather  than  that  of  his  Grandfather,  who  would  no  doubt  have 
wished  him  to  make  a  more  brilliant  alliance.  For  though  Mary  Weston 
could  claim  descent  from  one  who  was  perhaps  the  greatest  Nobleman 
of  England  in  his  day,*  the  family  had  undergone  strange  vicissitudes, 
(as  I  hope  to  trace  out  more  fully  in  another  volume)  and  she  herself 
was  born  in  the  picturesque  but  homely  neighbourhood  of  "  Wapping 
Old  Stairs,"  where  her  father  was  carrying  on  business  as  a  highly 
respectable  Quaker  tradesman.  The  said  father,  Daniel  Weston,  having 
died  in  1755,  the  widow  hved  at  Wandsworth,  evidently  in  great 
comfort  and  much  respected,  and  kept  open  house  for  those  who,  like 
herself  were  engaged  in  the  work  of  Ministry  among  the  "  Friends." 

The  following  is  John  Eliot's  announcement  of  his  engagement  to  his 
Grandfather. 

"  Hon''  Grandfather 

"  The  intent  of  my  coming  to  Croydon  on  S'''  day  was  chiefly  to 
"  have  some  conversation  with  thee  about  the  present  situation  of  my 
"affairs.  But  meeting  with  a  disappointment  I  concluded  on  this 
"  method  of  letting  thee  know  that  my  engagement  with  M.  Weston  is 
"  now  ready  to  lay  before  the  Meetings.^ 

*    I  li.ive  left  this  p.issage  as  written — but  see  full  discussion  of  the  question  in  Part  II,  page  79,  &c. 

I  The  practice  among  the  Friends  when  two  of  their  Members  contemplated  marriage  was  for  each  party 
to  announce  personally  in  the  meetings  for  discipline  of  their  respective  districts  their  intention  of  marriage — 
it  corresponded  to  "publishing  the  banns"  in  the  Church  of   Hngland. 


1762  ELIOT  PAPERS  79 

"  Thy  coldness  towards  this  undertaking  has  been  the  Reason  of  my 
"  l<eeping  Silence  so  much  of  late,  but  I  am  not  willing  to  conceal  this 
"step  from  thee,  much  desiring  to  have  thy  concurrence  therein. 

"  I  have  great  hopes  that  on  a  future  Acquaintance  thou  wilt  find  M. 
"  Weston  to  be  a  very  suitable  Wife  for 

"  Thy  affectionate  Grandson 

"John  Eliot  Jun^" 
"  I  hope  to  see   thee   in    London  on   3'^*'   day   or   to   receive  a  Line 
"  then." 

Putney  y'=  22""^  5  mo.  1762  7"^  day." 

We  have  seen  that  Mary  Weston  and  her  daughter  were  near  neigh- 
bours of  John  Eliot  and  his  sister  when  they  lived  at  Putney,  and 
allusions  in  the  family  letters  show  that  John  entertained  a  very  high 
opinion  of  the  mother,  who  must  have  been  a  woman  of  very  unusual 
force  of  character,  and  a  most  active  and  devoted  Minister  of  the  Society 
of  Friends.  We  have  the  record  of  several  long  and  adventurous 
journeys  which  she  made  on  horseback  through  England,  and  subse- 
quently through  the  thinly  settled  American  Colonies  to  attend  their 
assemblies,  and  to  hold  meetings  for  preaching  to  all  who  would  hear. 
She  must  have  possessed  great  physical  endurance  as  well  as  a  devoted 
spirit,  and  the  undaunted  way  in  which  she  met  and  overcame  opposition 
commands  our  admiration.  It  is  easy  to  understand  that  John  Eliot, 
whose  interests  were  now  bound  up  in  his  beloved  Society,  found  much 
to  respect  and  admire  in  such  a  champion  of  its  principles.  At  what 
period  the  young  Quakeress,  who  is  at  first  only  mentioned  casually  as 
"  Mary  Weston's  daughter,"  (being  in  fact  still  a  child)  began  to  assume 
more  importance  in  his  eyes,  we  do  not  know ;  but  we  cannot  be 
surprised  that  the  daughter  of  such  a  mother  attracted  his  attention  as 
she  gradually  developed  into  a  pious  (and,  we  may  hope,  comely)  young 
woman.  His  own  religious  views  were  so  firmly  fixed  that  he  could  not 
have  been  happy  with  one  who  did  not  fully  share  them,  and  the  event 
proved  that  he  had  chosen  wisely  for  his  own  happiness  during  a  long 
and  useful  life.  The  marriage  was  celebrated  according  to  the  simple 
but  dignified  rites  of  the  Society  at  their  Meeting  at  "  Wandsworth  in 
the  County  of  Surry "  "  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  eighth  Month  called 
August  1762."     The  Certificate  shows  that  his  Grandfather  and  Sister 


8o  ELIOT  PAPERS  1762 

were  present,  besides  his  three  Aunts,  Frances,  Rebecca,  and  Mary  Eliot, 
several  of  his  maternal  relatives  the  Hows,  sundry  Westons,  w^ith  other 
connections  on  either  side,  and  numerous  friends  who  added  their 
signatures  according  to  the  interesting  custom  of  the  Society. 

I  have  reason  to  believe  that,  after  the  death  of  Philip  Eliot,  John 
moved  to  his  Uncle's  house  in  Bucklersbury,  but  I  think  he  brought  his 
young  wife  to  the  old  house  in  Bartholomew  Close.  Some  years  later 
he  built  himself  a  house  on  the  family  property  in  Bartholomew  Close, 
which  was  pulled  down  within  my  remembrance.  It  occupied  the 
position  where  the  "  Royal  General  Dispensary  "  now  stands. 

It  has  been  well  remarked  that  in  the  book  of  Common  Prayer  there 
intervenes  nothing  except  the  Order  for  the  Visitation  of  the  Sick 
between  the  Form  for  the  Solemnization  of  Matrimony  and  the  Order 
for  the  Burial  of  the  Dead.  And  thus  it  happened  in  the  Eliot  family. 
The  attendance  at  the  wedding  of  his  Grandson  was  the  last  public 
appearance  of  the  old  Merchant  who  had  seen  his  two  wives  and  his  two 
sons  precede  him  to  the  grave.  But  the  story  is  best  told  in  the  Grand- 
son's own  words. 

"  On  the  4'''  of  8  mo.  1762.  My  Grandfather  John  Eliot  attended  my 
"  Marriage  at  Wandsworth  and  was  at  the  dinner  at  Richmond  Hill  and 
"  appeared  there  very  well  pleased  &  chearful.  That  evening  he  returned 
"with  my  3  Aunts  Frances,  Rebecca  &  Mary  to  Croydon  where  he 
"  stayed  all  next  day  being  ^^^  day.  The  day  following  he  went  to 
"  London  &  going  out  as  was  his  custom  to  the  Insurance  Offices  was 
"  seized  at  Loxham's  Shop  with  a  giddiness  or  Swimming  in  his  Head  so 
"  that  he  was  ready  to  fall  on  the  ground,  but  by  the  help  of  a  cane  got 
"  safe  to  his  house  in  Bartholomew  Lane.  In  the  evens  he  went  back  to 
"  Croydon  and  nothing  more  of  the  disorder  appeared  till  about  the 
"  2"^  Hour  7'*^  day  morning.  Sister,  Mother  (Mrs.  Weston)  Wife  & 
"  Self  were  by  kind  invitation  to  dine  with  Grandf"'  &  the  Family  that 
"  day — but  he  being  so  bad  we  asked  if  he  w''  send  to  put  by  the 
"  Appointment.  He  said  No,  not  even  if  he  should  lye  dead  in  the 
"  House  at  the  time — which  we  could  not  but  take  as  a  mark  of  the 
"  greatest  Regard  to  all. 

"  At  our  coming  we  were  surprised  to  find  Grandfi"  in  such  a  condition 
"  that  we  c"^  not  enjoy  his  Compy.  However  we  went  up  to  him  &  found 
"  he  laboured  under  a  difficulty  of  l)reathing.     On  my  wife's  going  to 


1762  ELIOT    PAPERS  81 

"speak  to  him  he  sHpt  a  B.N.  of  ^lOO  into  her  Hand  telling  her  she 
"  might  lay  it  out  in  plate  or  what  she  pleased  :  then  spoke  very 
"  affectionately  to  her,  desiring  that  God  would  bless  us  together.     .     .     . 

"  Fifth  day  morning  early  I  had  a  letter  to  acquaint  me  with  his 
"  decease  ab'  9"'  hour  4*  day  night. 

"  He  was  about  77  (or  79)  years  of  age  and  had  been  a  very  healthy, 
"  hearty  man  in  his  time,  remarkable  for  his  fine  Person." 

He  died  a  wealthy  man  even  according  to  our  reckoning,  and  we  must 
remember  that  money  represented  much  more  value  in  1762  than  it  does 
at  the  end  of  the  XIX  century.  His  "  Ballance  Book  "  to  which  we 
have  already  referred  was  carefully  made  up  to  the  end  of  1 76 1,  and 
shows  a  result  of  : 

"Stock  or  Estate  General  for  Balance  ^95059  14  8  ",  his  money 
being  mostly  carefully  invested  in  such  safe  securities  as  "  Bank  reduced 
Annuities,"  "  Bank  2/4  per  cent.  Annuities  1758,"  "  Bank  4  per  cent. 
Annuities  1760,"  "India  Bonds"  and  the  like. 

As  regards  the  disposal  of  his  property  we  may  refer  to  a  letter  from 
his  Grandson  to  John  Trehawke  dated  3:  9  mo.  1762. 

"  I  find  by  thine  thou  hadst  received  the  account  of  my  Grandfather's 
"decease.  Last  6*''  day  27'''  inst.  he  was  interred  in  our  Burial  Ground 
"  at  Groydon,  his  body  being  deposited  by  his  own  desire  betwixt  those 
"  of  his  last  wife  and  my  Father  and  attended  to  y'=  grave  by  divers 
"  relations  and  acquaintances.  This  event  thou  must  think  must 
"  occasion  the  distribution  of  a  considerable  Estate  in  the  Family.  The 
"  house  at  Falmouth  with  Gormellick  and  Landazzard,  a  little  estate 
"called  Farleigh  near  Croydon,  with  a  very  considerable  pecuniary 
"  Legacy  and  share  of  the  Residuum  is  what  my  Grandfather  has 
"  absolutely  given  me,  in  which  I  must  acknowledge  he  has  been  beyond 
"  Expectation  liberal.  My  Aunts  have  likewise  considerable  Legacies, 
"  with  each  of  them,  the  three  unmarried,  the  House  at  Croydon  during 
"  their  lives,  and  my  Aunt  Frances  is  appointed  Joint  Exor.  with  me. 
"  Thy  name  is  in  the  will  for  /50  which  will  be  at  thy  disposal." 

On  the  5"'  of  December,  1763,  "Aunt  Lambert"  followed  her  father 
to  the  grave,  leaving  no  descendants,  and  on  the  3''*^  April,  1766,  Frances 
Eliot  died  unmarried  ;  (both  were  buried  at  Croydon.)  Of  the  other 
two  Aunts,  one,  Rebecca,  married  Sir  John  Bridger,  and  lived  till  1803, 
and  the  other,  Mary,  died  unmarried  in  1794.  (She  also  was  buried  at 
Croydon.) 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 


MIDDLE    LIFE— ASHMORE 


And  now  having  safely  landed  John  Eliot  on  the  Table-land  of  middle 
life  we  find  less  to  interest  us  in  his  journals  and  letters  than  in  the 
more  chequered  days  of  his  early  manhood.  His  principles,  his  fortune 
and  his  matrimonial  affiiirs  being  all  settled,  he  went  on  his  way  as  a  quiet 
Quaker  gentleman,  much  devoted  to  the  building  up  of  the  Religious 
Society  to  which  he  belonged,  and  full  of  kind  deeds  to  those  who  were 
in  need  within  its  borders.  Some  of  his  descendants  in  the  fourth 
generation,  on  looking  through  a  number  of  letters  addressed  to  him 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  century,  remarked  that  almost  all  of  them 
appeared  to  refer  to  gifts  which  he  had  sent  or  was  sending.  He  made 
frequent  journeys  about  England  in  the  interests  of  the  Society  and  once, 
at  least,  a  few  years  after  his  marriage,  went  as  far  as  Holland  to  visit  the 
Meetings  there,  a  journey  of  which  I  hope  to  give  some  account  in  its 
proper  place. 

It  is  not  very  clear  where  Mariabella  EHot  made  her  home  after  her 
brother's  marriage  and  before  she  purchased  a  country  house  for 
herself  in  Kent :  probably  she  had  one  of  the  houses  in  Bartholomew 
Close,  but  she  seems  to  have  spent  a  good  deal  of  time  with 
Mr  and  Mrs  (or  Miss)  Vickris  Dickinson,  old  friends  of  the  family,  who 
had  been  rather  looked  to  as  go-betweens  in  the  unfortunate  Harford  aflFair. 
They  appear  to  have  lived  sometimes  at  Hatspen  House,  near  Bruton, 
Somerset,  and  at  other  times  at  Pickwick  Lodge,  near  Corsham,  Wihs. 


84  ELIOT  PAPERS  1764 

This  latter  name,  so  familiar  in  modern  ears,  at  once  arouses  interest  and 
points  to  the  quarter  from  which  Dickens,  70  years  later,  borrowed  the 
name  of  his  hero.     (Pickwick  is  a  part  of  the  Village  of  Corsham.) 

On  a  letter,  dated  21,  4  mo.,  1763,  from  J.  E.  to  his  sister  at  this 
address  I  have  found  what  may  be  the  impression  of  the  long  lost  seal 
which  John  Eliot  had  had  made  in  1757,  and  which  his  scruples  had  not 
yet  induced  him  to  destroy.  The  arms  and  crest  are  clearly  identical 
with  those  borne  by  the  S'-  Germans  family  of  Eliots,  affording  the 
strongest  possible  evidence  that  he  claimed  descent  from  the  same  stock. 

The  description  is  as  follows  : — 

Arms. — Argent,  a  fess  gules  between  double  cottises  wavy  azure. 

Crest. — An  Elephant's  head  argent,  plain  collared  gules.  (Of  course 
there  are  no  supporters.)'"' 

In  another  letter,  dated  18"'  10  mo.,  1764,  from  Mary  Eliot  to  her 
sister-in-law  at  Hatspen,  a  new  subject  of  interest  arises,  as  follows  : — 

"  The  Estate  in  Dorsetshire  is  still  under  consideration,  several  letters 
"  having  passed  about  it.  'Tis  situated  near  Shaftesbury.  It  is  most 
"  likely,  if  the  terms  are  agreeable  to  my  husband,  we  shall  take  a  journey 
"  shortly  to  see  it,  but  cannot  fix  the  time  at  present.  Would  it  not  be 
"  agreeable  (if  it  should  come  to  pass  that  we  should  go)  to  return 
"  together  ?  We  might  conveniently  meet  at  Salisbury.  I  just  hint  this 
"  to  thyself." 

The  purchase  was  in  due  time  completed,  and  John  Eliot  became 
possessed  of  the  Manor  of  Ashmore,  which  has  given  so  much  pleasure 
and  so  httle  profit  to  his  descendants.  The  parish  history  of  Ashmore 
has  been  so  thoroughly  traced  out  by  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Watson  t  that 
nothing  further  remains  to  be  recorded  except  a  few  items  of  gossip, 
which  may  be  collected  from  scattered  memoranda  and  letters. 

In  the  Daily  Advertiser,  for  8  Sept.,  1 764,  the  following  Advertise- 
ment appeared. 

"  To  be  sold.  The  Manor  and  Mansion  House  of  Ashmore, 
"  situated  in  the  most  pleasant  part  of  Dorsetshire,  4  miles  from 
"  Shaston  (Shaftesbury)  and   6   from   Blandford.     And  also  the 

*  On  further  careful  consideration  of  old  family  letters  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  seal  made  for  John 
Eliot  HI.  was  a  smaller  seal.  The  large  seal  in  this  letter  w.is  evidently  used  by  Philip  Eliot,  in  his  lifetime 
— which  carries  the  claim  to  the  Arms  a  generation  further  back. 

f  See  "Ashmore,  Co.  Dorset.  h  History  of  the  Parish,  by  the  Rev.  E.  W.  Watson,  M.A."  Printed  by 
John  Bellows,  Gloucester,  1890. 


1764  ELIOT   PAPERS  85 

"  Barton  or  Farm  of  Ashmore,  containing  800  acres  and  300  acres 
"  of  wood  in  hand  and  several  small  Tenements  and  Lands  in 
"  Ashmore.  Particulars  whereof  may  be  had  of  Robt  Barber  Esq. 
"at  Ashmore  or  of  Biscoe  in  the  Temple." 

This  advertisement  raises  a  curious  problem.  In  the  present  day  the 
distances  by  road  are  just  half  as  much  again  as  there  given,  and  I  doubt 
whether  even  Lord  Portman's  hounds  in  full  cry  could  go  from  point  to 
point  without  covering  more  ground  than  is  stated.  Was  "  Robert 
Barber  Esq."  guilty  of  a  geographical  fiction  or  has  the  surface  of  the 
earth  expanded  ? 

It  appears  by  the  Account  books  that  John  Ehot  paid  ^14,500  for  the 
estate.  Also,  that  he  proceeded  to  farm  it  himself  with  signal  want  of 
success,  for  when  he  wound  up  his  "Ashmore  Farming  Account,"  in 
177 1,  (having  let  the  farm)  he  carried  ;^I000  to  "Profit  &  Loss  for 
"  balance  of  this  account  which  I  deem  lost."  In  addition  to  this  he  had 
written  off  ^349  10  o,  in  1770,  "  For  a  seizure  &  sale  of  Stock  p  : 
"sequestration  for  Tythes  at  suit  Charles  Barber" — the  termination  of 
the  affair  already  alluded  to,  at  one  stage  of  which  he  found  himself 
committed  to  the  Poultry  Compter. 

The  "  Mansion  House  "  must  have  been  a  very  odd  building  when  J.  E. 
bought  it — as  it  was  undergoing  alteration  according  to  an  extraordinary 
design  (which  was  never  completed)  including  a  sort  of  Gothic  front, 
flanked  by  two  octagon  towers,  all  at  quite  an  oblique  angle  to  the 
original  house — a  substantial  but  inconvenient  stone  building.  The 
octagon  towers  were  partly  finished,  but  were  soon  pulled  down  and  the 
materials  used  in  building  a  school  house  and  cottages ;  the  basement  of 
one  of  them  still  remains  in  the  garden.  The  house  itseli  underwent 
considerable  alterations  and  is  now  the  Manor  Farm  House. 

John  Eliot  does  not  seem  to  have  been  extravagant  in  his  furnishing 
arrangements,  for  the  "Ashmore  furniture  account "  did  not  amount  to 

It  is  related  that,  on  the  first  occasion  when  he  took  his  wife  to  visit 
the  Estate,  their  carriage,  after  safely  surmounting  Melbury  Hill,  finally 
stuck  fast  in  descending  towards  the  Ashmore  boundary  at  Washer's  Pit, 
and  the  party  had  to  complete  their  journey  on  foot.  It  will  be  observed 
from  this  fact  that  the  present  "  zig-zag  "  road  was  not  yet  made  and  that 
the  way  from  Shaftesbury  was  by  the  higher  Blandford  road  through 
Melbury. 


86  ELIOT   PAPERS 

The  state  of  the  roads  at  Ashmore  evidently  continued  to  be  very 
bad  until  the  present  century,  for  in  1893  one  of  the  old  inhabitants 
(T.  Bealing)  told  me  that  he  remembered  that  when  the  Rector,  Dr 
Chisholm,  paid  his  annual  visit  to  the  Parish,  his  carriage  had  to  be 
drawn  in  by  a  gang  of  men  with  ropes,  the  ruts  rendering  it  dangerous 
to  attempt  to  bring  it  in  by  horses. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


MARIABELLA   ELIOT— PICKHURST 


In  1765,  Mariabella  Eliot,  who  had  inherited  a  considerable  fortune 
from  her  Father,  Mother  and  Uncle,  bought  a  country  house  for  herself, 
called  Pickhurst,  in  the  parish  of  Hayes,  in  Kent.  The  new  house  was 
in  the  midst  of  lovely  scenery,  and  the  house  itself,  which  has  now  grown 
into  a  large  red  brick  mansion,  is  shown  by  the  old  plans  to  have  been  a 
comfortable  little  dweUing  with  a  "  parlour  "  and  a  "  best  parlour,"  each 
having  a  "  Venetian  Bay  Window  "  (whatever  that  may  have  been)  and 
rambling  back  premises  and  outbuildings,  very  suitable  for  accommodating 
the  modest  household  of  a  single  Quaker  lady.  This  charming  place 
still  remains  in  the  possession  of  her  family,  and  at  present  belongs  to 
M.  E's  great  great  niece,  Ehzabeth  Howard.  It  is  probably  the  only 
Ehot  investment  in  land,  outside  London,  which  has  much  increased  in 
value,  and  does  eminent  credit  to  her  judgment.  The  possession  of 
Pickhurst  afterwards  led  to  an  amusing  correspondence  between  John 
Ehot  and  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  who  wished  to  buy  some  of  the  land. 
Naboth  was  not  at  all  disposed  to  part  with  his  vineyard,  and  the  Quaker 
held  his  own  against  the  blandishments  of  the  Peer,  besides  clearly 
coming  off  best  in  the  matter  of  spelhng — the  Earl  would  certainly  not 
have  passed  any  competitive  examination  in  these  enlightened  days  !  * 

The  Earl  of  Chatham  and  John  Eliot  appear  to  have  been  on  very  neighbourly  terms — see  page  117. 


88  ELIOT   PAPERS  I769 

But  Alariabella  was  not  destined  to  enjoy  her  possessions  for  long. 
On  the  25th  January,  1 769,  before  she  completed  her  thirty-third  year, 
she  passed  away,  and  was  buried  in  the  burying-place  of  her  fathers,  at 
Croydon.  Among  the  many  papers  and  letters  which  refer  to  her, 
throughout  her  life,  there  is  not  a  jarring  note.  She  was  evidently  the 
object  of  the  tenderest  love  of  her  relations,  especially  of  her  Uncle  and 
Brother — even  the  irritable  Grandfather  and  the  formidable  Aunts  seem 
to  have  had  nothing  but  kindness  and  affection  for  her,  and  her  sister-in- 
law  became  a  sister  indeed.  The  circumstances  of  her  birth  and' child- 
hood early  enlisted  sympathy  on  her  side,  and  I  cannot  help  believing 
that  there  was  some  physical  deformity  which  specially  drew  out  the 
solicitude  and  tenderness  of  those  around  her.  It  is  noteworthy  that  I 
have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  smallest  vestige  of  any  love  affair  or 
suggestion  of  matrimonial  arrangements,  which  fact  would  seem  almost 
unaccountable  unless  her  health  (which  was  certainly  delicate)  and  some 
physical  drawback  put  such  matters  out  of  the  question. 

We  have  seen  in  the  correspondence  of  1757  that  she  was  impressed 
with  the  seriousness  of  religious  questions  and  threw  in  her  lot  with  the 
straiter  order  of  Friends :  her  letters  and  memoranda  show  further  that 
she  became  a  humble  and  devoted  Christian,  bearing  the  special  cross  of 
her  lot  with  cheerful  meekness,  and  adorning  her  profession  by  a 
consistent  walk.  She  left  numerous  Meditations  and  some  poetic 
effusions,  which  her  brother,  in  after  years,  copied  carefully  into  a 
volume,  happily  still  existent,  as  a  record  of  a  loving  and  beloved  woman. 
It  is  in  one  of  these  Meditations  or  Essays  on  the  subject  of  deformity 
that  expressions  occur  which  leave  no  reasonable  doubt  that  she  wrote 
as  one  who  knew,  by  experience,  the  weight  of  this  affliction.  (See 
Appendix.) 


CHAPTER  XX. 


JOURNEYS    IN    HOLLAND    AND    FRANCE 


In  July,  1770,  it  appears,  from  a  book  in  J.  E's  beautiful  handwriting, 
that  "  the  Yearly  Meeting  in  London  having  thought  it  expedient  that  a 
"  religious  Visit  should  be  paid  to  friends  in  Holland,  in  order  to  afford 
"them  some  assistance,  the  following  friends  consented  to  have  their 
"  names  set  down  for  that  service,  viz  :  Isaac  Sharpies,  John  Kendall, 
"  William  Fry,  James  Backhouse  and  John  Eliot ;  and  accordingly  on  the 
"  7''>  day  of  7^''  month  they  met  at  Colchester."  After  a  day  or  two 
spent  there  "  on  3''''  day  afternoon  we  took  coach  for  Harwich  Edward 
"  Upcher  accompanying  us  and  arrived  there  a  little  before  six "  and 
attended  a  Meeting  in  that  town.  The  next  day  they  "  went  to  take  boat, 
"accompanied  by  our  friends  to  the  waterside,  where  we  took  a  solemn 
"  leave  of  each  other."  The  passage  to  Helvoetsluys,  in  the  packet, 
"Prince  of  Wales,"  took  21  hours.  "We  were  all  sick  in  the  passage 
"  but  when  we  got  ashore  the  sickness  was  over.  We  rested  at  Helvoet 
"  till  S"'  hour  next  morning  and  then  sat  forward  in  a  coach  waggon  for 
"  the  Briel  thro'  a  corn  and  grazing  country.  The  distance  between  these 
"places  being  about  7  English  miles  or  an  hour  and  a  half  in  going. 
"  From  the  Briel  we  went  in  a  saihng  boat  along  the  Maese,  a  broad  river, 
"  to  Rotterdam  :  there  was  five  Parsons  in  our  company  with  whom  we 
"  could  not  converse  much  for  want  of  understanding  the  language,  only, 
"  one  of  our  companions  presented  a  little  piece  wrote  by  a  friend,  to  one 
"of  them,  which  he  received  kindly.  They  go  mostly  in  black  clothes 
"  full  trimmed,  with  large  grizzle  wigs  that  come  down  in  a  peak  between 
G 


90  ELIOT  PAPERS  I77O 

"  their  shoulders,  and  smoak  a  deal  of  Tobacco,  using  much  bowing  and 
"  ceremony  to  each  other  ;  neither  could  we  distinguish  any  diflference  in 
"  their  conversation  and  behaviour  from  that  of  other  people.  Being 
"  arrived  at  Rotterdam  we  put  up  at  an  English  Inn,  but  first  had  some 
"  trouble  with  the  Porters  that  carried  our  things,  they  being  very 
"  exhorbitant  and  disposed  to  take  advantage  of  strangers.  Next  morning 
"  we  set  out  very  early  aiming  to  reach  Amsterdam  that  evening.  This 
"  days  journey  we  made  in  Treckschuyts  w''  are  covered  boats  capable  of 
"  containing  thirtv  people,  drawn  by  a  horse. 

"  We  passed  through  the  cities  of  Delft,  Leyden  and  Haerlem. 
"  Between  Delft  and  Leyden  are  abundance  of  pleasure  houses  on  each 
"  side  of  the  Canal  with  Gardens  and  Rows  of  Trees  very  grand.  As  we 
"were  going  out  of  the  Town  (Haerlem)  there  was  an  unusual  appear- 
"  ance  of  a  great  number  of  people  coming  from  the  Worship  House  with 
"  bibles  under  their  arms.  We  understood  they  had  been  to  prepare 
"  themselves  to  receive  the  sacrament  so-called,  the  next  day,  this  being 
"  seventh  day  evening."  Then  follow  accounts  of  their  meetings  and 
visitations  among  the  Friends  at  Amsterdam.  From  thence  they  went 
by  boat  and  coach  waggon  to  "  Twisk,  a  Village  containing  a  pretty 
"  many  houses  lying  dispersedly,  but  neat  and  pleasant."  On  enquiring 
into  the  state  of  Friends  there  "  to  our  great  concern  we  found  that 
"  there  had  been  such  a  mixture  of  those  professing  to  be  Quakers  with 
"  other  sorts  of  people  that  they  were  almost  entirely  become  one  with 
"  them,  suffering  the  Mennonist  preachers  to  preach  among  them  some- 
"  times,  and  at  other  times  themselves  would  read  the  Bible  (!)  in  their 
"  Meetings  and  preach  and  pray  as  it  seem"*  in  a  formal  manner."  This 
derogatory  mention  of  the  Mennonites  is  curious,  if  it  be  true,  as  believed 
by  many,  that  this  interesting  body  are  the  real  spiritual  fathers  of  the 
Quakers,  (see  Barclay's  "  Inner  life  of  the  Religious  Societies  of  the 
Commonwealth.") 

"  From  Hoorn  we  came  the  next  morning  being  5'''  day  thro'  the  cities 
'of  Edam  and  Monnickedam  to  Amsterdam  where  we  arrived  about 
'  noon  having  been  about  six  hours  on  the  way.  This  afternoon  we  met 
'  together  in  order  to  consider  the  state  of  Friends  and  in  what  manner 
'help  might  be  afforded  them.  As  to  the  Meeting  at  Twisk  we  could 
'  not  look  upon  it  any  longer  as  a  Meeting  of  Friends  for  the  reasons 
'  above  mentioned." 


1770  ELIOT   PAPERS  9 1 

As  regards  Amsterdam,  "  It  appeared  to  us  expedient  that  Friends 
"  should  have  a  few  Queries  offered  them  b)^  reading  and  considering 
"  which,  Friends  might  be  often  put  in  mind  of  their  dut}'  &  by  sending 
"  answers  to  the  Yearly  Meeting  annually,  that  Meeting  might  the  better 
"  understand  how  it  was  with  them  and  so  be  enabled  to  afford  them  the 
"  needful  help,"  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  was  the  system  by 
which  the  excellent  Church  Discipline  of  the  Quakers  was  maintained  in 
England  for  about  200  years,  until,  in  course  of  time,  the  answering  of 
these  "  Queries  "  became  so  much  a  matter  of  form,  that  a  few  years  ago 
they  were  replaced  by  Exhortations  to  various  duties,  religious  and  civil, 
which  are  now  read  in  their  Meetings  from  time  to  time. 

After  various  Meetings  and  religious  visits  they  finally  returned  to 
Helvoetsluvs,  and  "  embarqued  on  the  Prince  of  Wales  Packet  on  5'''  day 
"  morning,  but  it  coming  on  a  Calm  after  we  had  been  sometime  out  to 
"  Sea  we  did  not  land  at  Harwich  till  7'''  day  after  lO''^  hour,  after  a 
"  passage  of  48  hours  &  more.  From  thence  came  in  the  afternoon  to 
"  our  Friend  John  Kendall's  at  Colchester.  Got  .safe  home  next  day  in 
"  the  evening,  being  5''^  of  8'''  Month,  thro'  the  abundant  mercy  of  the 
"  Lord." 

From  a  brief  memorial,  drawn  up  after  his  death,  we  learn  that,  in 
1788,  he  made  another  religious  visit  to  the  Continent.  "  It  had  become 
'  known  that  a  number  of  persons  in  the  South  of  France  held  principles 
'  in  divers  respects  according  to  those  of  our  Society,  and  some  Friends 
'  in  the  Ministry  having  felt  a  concern  to  pay  them  a  visit  in  Gospel 
'  Love,  he  waited  thereon  and  was  also  assistant  in  interpreting.  This 
'  visit,  which  in  the  event  was  attended  with  considerable  satisfaction, 
'  appears  not  to  have  been  undertaken  without  apprehensions  of  personal 
'  suflFering,  it  being  previous,  we  understand,  to  the  abrogation  of  the 
'  severe  laws  which  in  that  country  prohibited  the  free  performance  of 
'  religious  worship." 

I  am  sorry  that  I  have  not,  at  present,  come  across  any  details  of  this 
Journey,  which,  occurring  just  before  the  beginning  of  the  great 
Revolution,  might  give  some  curious  insight  into  French  life  of  the 
period. 


G2 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


BARTHOLOMEW    CLOSE 


In  1770,  John  Eliot  completed  the  building  of  two  new  houses  in 
Bartholomew  Close,  at  a  cost  of  between  six  and  seven  thousand  pounds.* 
It  seems  probable  that  one  of  these  was  originally  designed  for  his  sister, 
though,  as  we  have  seen,  she  died  long  before  its  completion.  The  other 
became  the  family  home  for  exactly  60  years.  There  John  and  Mary 
Eliot's  children  were  born,  there  two  of  them  died  in  childhood,  there 
the  brother  and  sister,  John  and  Mariabella,  of  the  new  generation,  grew 
up,  there  John  and  Mary  Eliot  died,  and,  in  course  of  time,  their  son 
John  Eliot  (IV)  followed  them,  closing  the  direct  Une  of  the  Eliots  in 
1830. 

In  1772,  we  find  John  Eliot  acting  as  Trustee  in  the  marriage  settle- 
ment of  his  neighbour  Robert  Howard,  of  Red  Cross  Street,  in  the  City 
of  London,  Tin  plate  Worker  and  EHzabeth,  the  daughter  of  WiUiam 
Leatham  of  Pontefract,  "  Linnendraper  " — (the  banking  business  of  the 
Leathams  had  evidently  not  yet  begun  or  was  so  small  a  matter  in 
comparison  with  the  "  linnendrapery "  business  that  it  was  not  worth 
mentioning.) 

Probably  neither  John  Eliot  nor  Robert  Howard  foresaw  that,  in  course 
of  years,  they  were  to  become  more  closely  united  by  the  marriage  (in 
I796)t  of   Robert    Howard's    son,    Luke,   with   John    Eliot's    daughter, 

"  The  sites  of  these  houses  arc  now  occupied   by  the  premises  of   the  Royal  General    Dispensary  and  the 
Warehouses  of  Messrs  Evans,  Lescher  &  Co.,  Wholesale  Druggists. 
■}■  See  p.age  109. 


94  ELIOT   PAPERS  1768 

Mariabella,  (already,  in  1772,  more  than  2  years  old)  through  whose 
children  the  race,  though  not  the  name,  of  the  Ehots  would  be 
perpetuated. 

It  is  not  from  any  lack  of  voluminous  correspondence  and  memoranda 
that  we  fail  to  find  material  to  carry  on  from  year  to  year  the  history  of 
John  and  Mary  Eliot's  life,  but  it  passed  along  so  evenly  in  a  round  of 
meetings  and  religious  journeys  and  management  (or  mismanagement)  of 
his  estates  that  there  seems  really  nothing  of  sufficient  importance  to 
lengthen  out  our  story. 

Going  back  a  little  in  our  history,  we  find  that  on  one  occasion  the 
family  were  greatly  alarmed  by  the  occurrence  of  a  fire  in  Bartholomew 
Close  which  threatened  to  burn  them  out  of  house  and  home. 

"  B.  Close  14  7  mo.  1768. 
5  day. 
"  Dear  Sister 

"  After  a  day  spent  with  much  Fatigue  &  Anxiety  of  mind  I  am 
'  set  down  to  write  to  thee.  I  believe  thou  little  thought,  any  more  than 
'  we,  of  the  great  Exercise  that  awaited  us,  and  was  so  nigh  at  Hand 
'  when  we  parted  from  each  other.  For  this  morning  very  early  we 
'  were  alarmed  with  the  cry  of  Fire,  so  near  as  London  House  and  it 
'  burned  with  great  rapidity  in  a  very  dreadful  manner  till  Day  Break  &. 
'  I  think,  awhile  after,  before  it  was  at  all  got  under.  During  which  time 
'  there  seemed  but  little  ProbabiUty  but  that  we  should  be  burnt  down — 
'  all  the  three  Houses  &  not  only  them  but  the  new  ones*  also  :  but  ever 
'  be  remembered  with  Gratitude  the  Gracious  Interposition  of  the  Divine 
'  Hand  which  prevented  the  fury  of  the  flames  reaching  to  us  although 
'  they  had  communicated  themselves  to  (late)  neighbour  Locke's  back 
'  warehouse  and  as  there  is  a  great  deal  of  slight  Timber  building,  had  it 
'  not  then  providentially  been  stopt,  we  must  have  been  in  the  greatest 
'  danger  imaginable,  indeed,  I  think  were  very  much  so  as  it  was.  The 
'  manner  of  which  Deliverance  was  thus.  There  came  an  engine  before 
'  our  door  the  Leather  Pipe  of  which  they  laid  along  thro'  the  great 
'  warehouse  on  the  ground  floor  &  came  in  with  it  behind,  by  which 
'  means  they  got  at  the  Fire  &  happily  extinguished  it,  preventing  its 
'spreading  further  our  way.     We  were  at  a  loss  for  water  some  time  at 

*  See  page  93. 


1768  ELIOT   PAPERS  95 

"  our  Plug  which  heightened  our  distress  but  then  the  wind  was  in  our 
"  favour  and  rather  kept  it  off.  My  dear  Wife  was  favoured  with  great 
"  equanimity  considering  the  occasion  and  I  was  preserved  or  rather 
"  brought  into  a  good  degree  of  Resignation  to  his  will,  hoping  that  if  He 
"  saw  meet  to  strip  me  in  such  a  manner,  he  wd  find  a  way  to  bring  Good 
"  as  it  were  out  of  evil.  My  wife  was  so  tranquil  that  she  put  up  most 
"  of  our  furniture,  in  which  I  assisted  a  little  (in  ordering  them  away) 
"and  we  moved  Household  Goods  to  our  neighbours,  who  were  very 
"  kind  on  this  sorrowful  occasion.  Also  a  number  of  Friends  came  to 
"  our  assistance  &.  helped  in  moving  the  Goods,  after  w'^''  my  dear  Wife 
"  removed  also,  I  chusing  to  wait  awhile  to  see  what  Turn  Things  would 
"  take.  When  presently  in  great  mercy,  the  Fire  was  suffered  to  abate 
"  &  by  degrees  to  get  further  from  us.  So  my  dear  wife  returned  home 
"  again  &  we  had  all  our  Goods  again  in  our  House  about  8  o'clock 
"  excepting  a  parcel  of  Linnen  which  is  yet  missing  &  we  were  so 
"  favoured  as  not  to  have  one  Looking  Glass  broke  or  any  damage  worth 
"  mentioning  to  y«=  furniture.  We  took  care  to  have  thy  goods  partly 
"removed  &  should  have  had  more  but  were  dissuaded  by  Friends  who 
"  began  to  think  the  danger  over.  I  think  on  Enquiry  thou  hast  not  lost 
"  anything  except  it  be  a  Chair  or  Chair-bottom.  I  did  expect  my  dear 
"  wife  would  have  fainted  and  been  laid  up,  but  hitherto  she  has  borne  up 
"  to  admiration,  only  is  a  great  deal  fatigued  &  weary,  as  I  am  too.  I 
"  think  I  can't  well  enlarge  on  any  more  particulars  but  conclude  with 
"  Desires  to  live  in  a  grateful  awful  sense  of  the  many  mercies  & 
"  preservations  bestowed  on  us."  &c. 

"John  Eliot." 

At  another  time  they  had  an  outbreak  of  smallj)ox  in  the  family,  but  as 
the  patient  recovered  they  congratulated  themselves  that  they  "  had  not 
"  fallen  in  with  the  prevaiUng  practice  of  inoculation."  We  find  by  the 
account  books  that,  like  their  relations,  they  also  set  up  their  coach  and 
horses,  but  after  less  than  two  years*  they  sold  them  again  and  in  a  letter 
from  John  to  Mary  referring  to  some  trouble  which  a  friend  had  had  with 
his  coachman,  they  congratulate  each  other  that  they  are  free  from  such 
cares. 


96  ELIOT   PAPERS  1780 

They  had  four  children  : — 

Mary,  born  lO  November,  1767 — died  at  the  age  of  3  weeks. 

Mariabella,  born  26  November,  1769,  who  married  Luke  Howard, 
in  1796. 

Ann,  born  24.  November,  1771 — died  4  April,  1776. 

John,  born  26  November,  177 1 — died  7  March,  1830. 

The  dates  of  the  two  latter  births  will  excite  surprise  and,  in  fact,  the 
mother  very  nearly  lost  her  hfe,  but  was  mercifully  preserved  to  the  great 
joy  and  thankfulness  of  her  husband. 

As  years  go  on  the  correspondence  naturally  relates,  at  times,  to  the 
children  and  grandchildren.  Thus  we  find  Mary  Eliot  writing  to  her 
husband,  who  appears  to  have  been  in  the  country  in  charge  of  the  little 
ones,  begging  him  to  be  careful  that  Jacky  should  "flap  his  hat"  when 
out  in  the  sun  lest  the  skin  of  his  face  should  suflFer.  This  curious 
expression  I  take  to  mean  that  Jacky  wore  a  cocked  hat,  and,  as  this 
peculiar  form  of  head  gear  does  not  aflbrd  much  protection  to  the  face,  he 
was  to  turn  down  the  brim  into  a  flap.  There  are  various  letters  from 
Mary  Eliot,  written  from  her  daughter's  home  at  Plaistow,  giving  her 
husband  very  domestic  directions  about  sending  down  fish  by  the  coach, 
and  occasionally  a  "  pound  cake  "  from  some  special  confectioners  in  the 
City.  As  the  grandchildren  began  to  run  about  we  find  John  Eliot 
writing  to  his  son-in-law,  who  was  staying  near  Aspley,  begging  him  not 
to  allow  little  Robert  to  go  near  the  fishponds  at  Aspley  by  himself  or 
with  one  of  his  cousins.  I  know  not  whether  the  non-existent  early 
journals  might  have  related  that  he  ventured  too  near  in  his  early  days 
and  got  a  ducking. 

I  have  sought  carefully  for  any  record  of  the  Gordon  Riots  of  1780, 
but  the  following  is  the  only  letter  that  refers  to  them. 

"  Barthol"  Close  8"'  6  mo.  1780. 
10'''  h""  evening. 
"  My  dear 

"  I  have  the  comfort  to  inform  thee  that  through  Divine  Mercy  we 
"  have  been  hitherto  very  still  this  evening,  altho'  from  Reports  circulated 
"abroad  it  was  expected  to  be  one  of  the  most  dreadful  that  had  yet 
"  happened,  several  houses  and  places  being  marked  out  for  destruction 
"  and  messages  sent  to  that  Effect. 


1780  ELIOT  PAPERS  97 

"  The  quiet  we  enjoy  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  change  in  the  minds 
"  of  the  populace,  but  under  providence  to  the  Great  Number  of  Soldiers 
"  Horse  &  Foot  that  have  come  into  the  City  and  patrole  about  the 
"  streets. 

"  But  the  scenes  have  been  very  distressing,  deep  sorrow  covering 
"  many  countenances.  Our  neighbour  Townsend  had  been  concerned 
"  for  their  Daughters  who  were  dismayed  with  Fear  and  requested  they 
"  might  be  at  our  House.  The  young  women  on  the  other  hand  loth  to 
"  leave  their  Parents  caused  a  struggle  of  Nature  and  tender  parting. 
"  I  got  them  at  length  to  Bart'^  Close  where  they  lodge.  James 
"  Townsend  &  wife  have  also  .sent  some  of  their  effects  to  our  house  as 
"  did  Cous^  Tibey  and  came  herself,  the  House  she  lives  in  being 
"  threatened  to  be  burnt  this  evening.  I  hope  the  Lord  is  now  putting  a 
"  stop  to  their  monstrous  wickedness,  for,  indeed,  who  could  have  borne 
"  it  much  longer  ?     I  think  it  could  hardly  have  been  borne. 

"  6'''  Day  MornS.  We  have  pass"^  a  quiet  night  in  which  I  do  not  hear 
"  of  any  disturbance  being  caused  by  the  Rioters.  If  this  repose 
"  continues  I  probabl}^  may  come  down  to  thee  this  evening :  I  beheve 
"  there  would  be  no  danger  in  thy  coming  to  town,  but  as  I  have  some 
"  thoughts  of  our  being  at  Peel  on  First  day  thou  mayest  consider 
"  whether  to  defer  it  till  then. 

"  I  remain  Thy  affectionate  Husband 
"John  Eliot." 

On  Friday,  2  June,  1 780,  a  mob  of  40,000  people,  headed  by  Lord 
George  Gordon,  assembled  in  St.  George's  Fields  under  the  name  of  the 
Protestant  Association,  to  carry  up  a  petition  to  Parliament  for  the  repeal 
of  the  Act  which  granted  certain  indulgences  to  Roman  Catholics.  The 
mob  could  not  be  dispersed  and  proceeded  to  pull  down  the  Chapels  and 
houses  of  the  Roman  Cathohcs,  and  afterwards  of  other  persons,  and  to 
open  the  gaols  and  attack  the  Bank  of  England.  On  the  7th  thirty-six 
fires  were  blazing  at  one  time.  At  length  the  riot  was  quelled,  on  the 
8th,  (the  date  of  the  above  letter.)  210  rioters  were  killed,  248  wounded, 
of  whom  75  died  afterwards  in  the  hospitals,  and  many  were  sub- 
sequently tried,  convicted,  and  executed.  The  loss  of  property  was 
estimated  at  ^180,000.  Lord  George  Gordon  was  tried  for  High 
Treason  and  acquitted.  He  afterwards  died  a  prisoner  for  libel,  in  1793. 
(For  a  graphic  account  of  these  riots  see  Dickens'  "  Barnaby  Rudge.") 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


SUNDRY    LETTERS 


One  would  like  to  know  who  Jacob  Chapman  was,  and  what  were  the 
books  referred  to  in  the  following  letter. 

27'i'  3  mo.  1782. 
"Jacob  Chapman 

"  Staplehurst,  Kent. 

"  I  received  the  guinea  (owed  me)  with  thy  letter,  in  which 
"  thou  recommendest  to  me  the  perusal  of  certain  books.  For  answer, 
"  I  believe  if  I  am  obedient  to  the  principle  of  Divine  Light  and  Truth, 
"  it  will  be  well  with  me.  A  valuable  collection  of  Books,  which  treat  of, 
"  and  direct  to,  this  principle  I  have  by  me,  many  of  which  I  have  read 
"  and  do  still  read  them  at  times  to  my  comfort  and  edification.  As  for 
"  those  books  which  exalt  not  this  principle,  I  must  plainly  tell  thee,  I  am 
"  not  careful  to  peruse  them. 

"  In  the  first  chapter  of  John  we  read,  that  in  the  Word  that  was  in 
"  the  Beginning  there  was  Life  and  the  Life  was  the  Light  of  Men.  And 
"  this  the  Apostle  calls  in  another  place,  the  Unction  (anointing  in  Christ) 
"and  says  it  was  Truth,  which  he  testifies  the  Believers  had  received. 
"  It  would  be  well  for  all,  did  they  come  hither,  and  learn  their  Religion 
"  of  this  Divine  Teacher.  Again,  I  am  the  Lord,  that  teacheth  thee  to 
"profit.  (Isaiah  xlviii,  17.)  I  herewith  send  thee  two  treatises  tending 
"  to  promote  evangelical  Righteousness  and  purity,  which  were  lately 
"  written  and  published  for  a  general  service :  and  desire  thy  acceptance 
"  of  them. 

"  I  remain  Thy  assured  friend  J.  E." 


lOO  ELIOT  PAPERS  1782 

(It  does  not  appear  to  have  struck  him  that  he  was  acting  unfairly  in 
declining  to  read  the  books  sent  to  him  and  yet  expecting  his  corres- 
pondent to  read  the  "  two  treatises.") 

The  following  feminine  amenity  from  "Aunt  Bridger,"  in  1785,  is  too 
good  to  be  lost. 

"  1  will  agree  to  give  our  Cousin  John  Turner^'  five  pounds  if  you 
"  will  give  the  same,  but  as  to  being  better  able  to  afford  it  than  yourself, 
"  I  am  sure  you  cannot  think  I  can  :  as,  if  you  recollect  you  said  when 
"  I  was  married.  Sir  John  would  be  arrested  at  the  Church  door  :  there- 
"  fore  you  must  be  vastly  richer  than  I  can  be. 
"  I  am,  My  dear  Nephew 

"  Your  sincerely  affectionate  Aunt." 

(Her  Ladyship  had  evidently  kept  this  shaft  in  her  quiver  waiting  for 
an  opportunity  to  discharge  it.) 

In  179 1,  I  find  an  interesting  letter  from  a  certain  Henry  Ould,  whom 
I  beheve  to  have  been  distantly  connected  with  J.  E.  by  a  marriage  in  the 
XVII  century.  It  relates  that  he  had  invented  an  artificial  horizon  to  be 
attached  to  "  Hadley's  Quadrant,"  for  taking  observations  when  the  true 
horizon  is  obscured  by  mist ;  and  it  is  accompanied  by  a  copy  of  a 
certificate  as  to  its  utility,  granted  by  order  of  Vice  Admiral  Lord  Hood, 
signed  by  the  seven  masters  of  the  Flag  ships  Victory,  Princess  Royal, 
Prince  George,  Barfleur,  Formidable,  Impregnable  and  London.  This  is 
doubtless  the  Victory  of  Trafalgar  celebrity. 

Under  date  of  17  June,  1785,  is  the  following  curious  letter  from 
certain  fishermen  of  East  Looe  who  seem  to  have  been  caught  poaching 
salmon  on  the  Treworgy  Estate. 

"  Honoured  Sir 

"  We  whose  names  are  here  set  do  most  humbly  beg  your 
"  Honour's  kind  answer  to  this  request.  We  acknowledge  ourselves 
"  Trespassers  on  your  Honour's  Royalty  by  catching  fish  in  the  River 
"  Looe,  which  we  had  never  done  had  not  the  Mayor  of  the  Burrow 
"  desired  us  to  do  so  and  also  Sir  John  Morshead  said  the  same  time  he 
"  did  not  mean  to  hinder  the  fishing  as  there  was  fish  enough  for  him 
"  and  us  also. 


1785  ELIOT   PAPERS  lOI 

"  Now  Mr  John  Trehawke  of  Liskeard  has  brought  against  us  a  bill  for 
'.£^  8  o,  also  we  must  put  our  names  in  the  Publick  Paper.  But  we 
"  trust  that  your  Honour  will  not  be  so  sevare  with  us  and  your  Honour 
"  mentioned  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Danger  that  you  would  let  your  Royalty  to 
"  the  Gentlemen  of  East  Looe.  But  if  you  would  let  your  Royalty  below 
"  the  Bridge  to  me  James  Rabitts  I  will  give  your  Honour  five  guineas 
"  per  year  for  7  or  14  years. 

"  Honoured  Sir  we  hope  your  Honour  will  let  us  know  what  we  are  to 
"  pay  the  above  sum  for.  Your  answer  by  the  return  of  Post  directed  to 
"James  Rabitts  in  East  Looe  will  greatly  oblige  your  dutj^ful  and  most 
"  humble  Servants 

James  Rabitts 
Edmund  Speare 
Robert  Debell." 

We  can  hardly  doubt  that  so  humble  a  petition  received  a  gracious 
response  from  the  "  Honoured  Sir." 

In  the  course  of  the  years  there  occur  curious  references  to  the 
poaching  habits  of  some  of  the  Ashmore  people.  The  Parish  of 
Ashmore  forms  part  of  Cranbourne  Chase,  and,  in  consequence,  was  at 
that  time  overrun  with  Lord  Rivers'  deer,  and  thus  there  was  a  great 
temptation  to  shoot  these  deer  when  a  safe  opportunity  occurred.  It 
would  appear  that  "  Dicky  Rideout,"  whom  some,  now  living,  remember 
as  an  old  man,  began  his  poaching  habits  early  in  life,  for  it  seems  that  he 
borrowed  a  gun  from  another  lad,  who  was  scaring  birds,  and  therewith 
bagged  a  deer,  which  he  hid  in  his  father's  outhouse.  This  was,  perhaps, 
the  first,  but  certainly  not  the  last  deer  which  he  shot,  and  the  fame  of 
his  exploits  will  long  live  to  be  told  over  the  cottage  fires  in  the  quiet 
village. 

The  following  letter  refers  to  smaller  game,  but  it  must  have  been 
painful  to  a  Squire  to  have  to  write  such  a  rebuke  to  his  Gamekeeper. 

London,  20  of  ii  mo.  1787. 
"John  Stainer 

"  I  have  heard  a  great  complaint  against  thee  for  misbehaviour  in 
"thy  emplov  of  killing  game  on  my  account.  In  the  first  place  it  is  said 
"  thou  hast  gone  out  on  a  first  Day  of  the  week  commonly  called  Sunday 
"  which  is  a  great  offence  as  that  day  is  set  apart  for  Divine  Worship. 


I02  ELIOT   PAPERS  1787 

"  It  is  also  said  that  thou  didst  take  another  person  of  the  Parish  along 
"  with  thee  who  I  believe  has  no  Deputation  to  kill  game."  (The 
appointment  of  a  Gamekeeper  was,  at  that  time,  a  very  formal  and 
serious  matter.) 

"  It  has  given  me  concern  that  thou  hast  set  so  bad  an  example  and 
"  hast  been  in  danger  of  great  hurt  and  suffering  to  thyself  &  family  by 
"this  means:  for  had  not  a  neighbouring  Justice  of  the  Peace  before 
"  whom  an  Information  had  been  laid,  kindly  attended  to  my  Intercession 
"  on  thy  behalf,  this  misdemeanour  of  thine  might  have  been  followed 
"  with  terrible  consequences. 

"  It  also  appears  to  me  by  this  instance  that  thou  dost  sometimes  kill 
"game  and  convert  the  profit  of  it  to  thy  own  use — All  of  which  1 
"  would  have  thee  duly  to  consider  and  not  to  offend  in  like  manner  for 
"  the  time  to  come,  but  so  to  conduct  thyself  as  I  may  have  cause  to 
"  continue  thee  in  this  employ." 

The  Justice  in  question  was  evidently  the  well-known  Mr  Chaffin  of 
Chettle — a  keen  sportsman  and  a  quaint  writer  on  sporting  subjects,  but 
a  courteous  neighbour  to  John  Eliot — although,  being  a  sporting  Parson, 
there  can  have  been  little  in  common  between  him  and  the  rigid  Quaker 
Squire. 

Under  date  of  27th  of  3  mo.  1 788,  John  Eliot's  Cousin,  Richard  T. 
How,  writes,  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  letter  received  by  his  father  from  the 
Bishop  of  Carlisle  on  the  subject  of  the  Slave  trade.  It  shews  how 
Quakers  &  Clergy  were  already  working  together  in  the  endeavour  to  put 
down  that  iniquitous  traffic.  The  subject  appears  to  have  been  first 
discussed  in  Parliament  in  1787.  In  1 79 1  the  question  was  debated  for 
two  days.  In  1798  Mr  Wilberforce  brought  forward  a  motion  for  the 
abolition  of  the  trade  which  was  lost  by  only  5  votes,  but  the  trade  was 
not  abolished  by  Parliament  until  the  25th  March,  1807.  It  will  be 
remembered  that,  far  on  in  the  XV III  century  the  public  conscience  was 
so  little  aroused  that  the  pious  John  Newton  remained  captain  of  a  slave 
ship  for  some  time  after  he  had  become  a  sincerely  Christian  man. 
Even  from  his  later  writings  it  would  seem  that  his  mind  was  more 
impressed  by  the  recollection  of  the  wicked  life  that  he  had  led  personally 
in  his  younger  days  than  by  the  inherent  iniquity  of  the  traffic  in  human 
flesh  in  which  he  had  been  engaged. 


1788  ELIOT   PAPERS  IO3 

From  the  Bishop  of  Carhsle  to  R.  How 

"  Windsor  Castle 

Jan.  26   1788 
"  Dear  Sir, 

"  I  can  assure  you  that  it  gave  me  real  pleasure  to  receive  a  letter 
"  from  you,  as  1  had  often  lamented  that  an  Acquaintance  begun  at 
"  Leipzig  so  many  years  ago,  had  been  totally  suspended  ever  since  our 
"  return  to  our  own  Country.  I  had  a  real  regard  for  Mr  How  and  the 
"  subject  of  his  letter  shews  that  he  is  worthy  of  my  highest  esteem.  I 
"  ever  wished  to  see  an  end  put  to  the  disgraceful  traffic  to  the  Coast  of 
"  Africa  and  have  often  remarked  in  conversation  that  our"  (by  "our"  I 
conclude  that  he  means  "  the  Europeans'  "  or  "  the  Christians' "  as  he  can 
hardly  claim  the  discovery  for  the  British  ! )  "  Discovery  of  America  had 
"  been  attended  with  the  most  horrid  consequences  and  had  served  only 
"  to  annihilate  the  poor  natives  of  that  Continent  and  to  drain  a  third  part 
"  of  the  Old  World  of  its  Inhabitants  in  order  to  supply  the  Havock  of 
"  our  Cruelties.  As  a  Christian  and  as  a  Christian  Bishop  I  heartily 
"  w(ish  well)  to  your  benevolent  endeavours  and  I  must  do  your  religious 
"  Society  (the)  honour  of  acknowledging  that  they  first  began  this  good 
"work  (which)  now  seems  to  have  engaged  the  attention  of  many 
"  respectable  Persons  of  every  Denomination. 

"  If  you  ever  make  an  Excursion  to  London  I  shall  be  happy  to  see 
"you.  Alas!  how  few  of  those  whom  we  loved  or  lived  with  Forty 
"  years  ago  are  now  in  Being  !  This  consideration  naturally  weans  us 
"  from  an  immoderate  Attachment  to  this  World  &  makes  us,  or  at  least 
"ought  to  make  us,  more  intent  upon  securing  our  future  and  eternal 
"  Interests.  The  humane  solicitations  which  you  have  undertaken  are  a 
"  proof  that  you  have  chosen  this  One  Thing  needful. 
"  I  am,  with  great  sincerity,  Dear  Sir, 

"  Your  most  faithful  &  Obedt.  servant 
"J.  Carhol." 

We  may  remark,  in  passing,  that  the  man  to  whom  such  a  letter  could 
be  addressed  must  have  been  sadly  misjudged  by  John  Eliot's  worthy 
grandfather,  (see  page  28.) 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 


THE    CIVIL    WAR    IN    IRELAND 


The  following  extracts  from  letters  received  by  John  Eliot  relate  to 
the  Civil  War  in  Ireland  in  1 798. 

From  Edward  Hatton,  Cork  13"'  6  mo.  1798. 

"  I  set  out  for  Milford  (from  Bristol)  and  got  there  on  vesterday 
"  week.  That  day  5  vessels  arrived  from  Waterford  with  passengers, 
"  mostly  women  &  children,  many  belonging  to  the  County  Wexford — 
"the  cryes  of  the  women  was  fully  as  much  as  I  could  bear  being 
"  obliged  to  leave  their  Husbands  &  many  of  their  children  to  the  mercy 
"  of  the  Insurgents.  About  7  we  took  shipping  &  next  morni  at  8 
"  o'clock  landed  quietly  7  miles  below  Waterford  &  got  horses  &  came 
"to  their  Meeting  which  was  gathered.  Friends  there  was  under  much 
"  discouragement  not  knowing  but  before  morning  they  would  be 
"surrounded  by  Irishmen  (then)  about  12  miles  from  them.  Three 
"  days  before,  the  slaughter  was  great.  S.  EUy  wrote  that  the  return  of 
"what  was  buried  was  2061  ;  besides  that  2000  more  it  was  thought 
"  lay  dead.  The  smell  &  fatigue  was  so  great  that  many  was  thrown 
"  down  the  river  that  led  to  the  sea, — that  S.E.  had  100  persons  to  feed 
"  and  lodge  but  that  he  was  obliged  to  be  supplied  with  provisions  from 
"Waterford.  The  Insurgents  was  then  in  two  companies,  one  near 
"  Inniscorthy  and  the  other  near  Wexford  Town,  judged  to  be  ab'  25000, 
"  the  Troops  are  preparing  to  meet  them  and  as  its  expected  no  quarter 
H 


I06  ELIOT  PAPERS  I798 

will  be  given  on  either  side,  thou  may  partly  judge  what  a  sorrowful 
event  is  likely  to  ensue  which  we  expect  soon  to  hear  of.  We  left 
Waterford  on  seventh  day  and  got  to  Clonmel — there  the  minds  of  the 
people  seemed  more  tossed  than  at  the  place  we  came  from,  appre- 
hending danger  was  not  far  from  them.  We  left  them  on  Second  day 
morning,  not  knowing  that  we  should  be  let  go  many  miles  before  we 
might  fall  into  the  hands  of  those  benighted  men,  but  through  Mercy 
we  got  home  that  day  without  any  hindrance.  I  understand  only  one 
young  man  of  our  Society  has  fallen  and  that  by  his  own  imprudence 
joining  the  Army  &  was  shot  by  the  opposite  party.  Some  friends' 
houses  have  been  burned  and  their  property.  This  place  remains  quiet 
as  to  any  inroad  of  an  outward  enemy  but  fears  abound  in  general 
among  the  inhabitants.  A.  Shackleton  was  taken  by  the  Insurgents 
and  was  with  them  2  days  and  3  nights.  They  wanted  him  to  head 
them  but  on  his  refusing,  after  many  threats,  they  let  him  go  on 
condition  that  he  would  try  to  make  peace  on  as  good  terms  as  he  could 
for  them  when  the  two  armies  was  in  sight  of  each  other — which  he 
effected  without  the  loss  of  a  Life,  by  their  laying  down  their  arms, 
&c." 

From  Joseph  Druitt.  DUBLIN  18'''  of  6  mo.  1798. 

"  Affecting  indeed  is  the  state  of  this  country — all  tumult  & 
"  confusion  from  the  civil  war  now  raging,  at  present  rather  with 
"  symptoms  of  increase  than  otherwise,  the  chief  seat  of  it  is  about  40 
"  or  50  Irish  miles  from  the  Capital — both  parties  are  in  formidable 
"  force  and  a  dreadful  conflict  is  now  impending,  or  at  least  no  account 
"  has  arrived  of  its  being  decided.  Should  it  terminate  any  way  in 
"  favour  of  the  popular  party,  it  is  expected  the  risings  will  be  general ; 
"&  whichever  way  it  may  be,  deplorable  must  be  the  carnage  & 
"  slaughter."  The  latter  part  of  the  letter  urges  the  Friends  in  London 
to  act  as  "  intercessors  or  mediators  for  the  staying  the  sword " 
pointing  out  that  "  you  on  that  side  are  not  immediately  concerned  as 
"  parties  &  that  Friends  here,  in  the  general,  are  clear  of  being  engaged 
"  as  parties  on  either  side,  you  may  with  greater  boldness  under  the 
"  direction  of  best  Wisdom  undertake  to  intercede." 


1798  ELIOT  PAPERS  107 

From  Joseph  Druitt,  LURGAN,  l8"'  of  7  mo.  1798. 

"  The  disturbances  in  this  country  have  occasioned  me  nearly  to 
"  suspend  my  business  for  the  present,  being  desirous  to  keep  some 
"  part  of  my  httle  stock  in  England.  We  have  been  greatly  favoured 
"  immediately  in  and  near  this  town,  though  frequently  much  alarmed, 
"  there  having  been  engagements  between  the  Army  and  insurgents  in 
"  the  Counties  of  Antrim  and  Down,  both  places  only  a  few  miles 
"  distant. 

"  In  Wexford,  Carlow  &  Kildare,  friends  have  been  much  harrassed, 
"  my  Brother  in  law  William  Pim  has  lost  near  one  thousand  pounds  in 
"  various  ways,  the  town  he  lives  in  being  kept  by  the  rebels  during 
"  three  days.  We  are  in  some  uneasiness  as  the  papers  since  mention  a 
"straggling  party  having  been  repulsed  from  a  town  near  which  he  lives: 
"  many  friends  in  Wexford,  reduced,  it  is  said,  to  live  for  some  days  on 
"  barley  bread  &  water,  not  having  a  cow  left  them  to  give  milk.  It  is 
"  now  said  that  the  remains  of  these  deluded  people  who  have  escaped 
"from  Leinster,  have  appeared  in  the  borders  of  our  Province  and  are 
"  burning  &  laying  waste  the  County  of  Cavan,  which  causes  some  degree 
"  of  alarm  here  :  before  this,  the  province  of  Ulster  had  been  for  the 
"  last  month  pretty  tranquil  &  quite  free  from  any  risings  or  disturb- 
"ance." 

(The  Irish  rebelhon  began  4  May  1798,  and  was  not  finally  suppressed 
until  I799-) 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

LATER    LIFE 
MARRIAGE    OF    JOHN    ELIOT'S    DAUGHTER 


It  is  curious  how  little  echo  of  the  great  events  that  were  taking 
place  in  the  world  during  the  last  decade  of  the  XVIII  and  the  first 
decade  of  the  XIX  centuries  we  can  trace  in  the  letters.  The  stream 
of  quiet  English  life  seems  to  have  been  singularly  Uttle  ruffled  except 
by  the  increased  taxation.  It  is  well  to  remember  that  our  forefathers 
had  to  consider  carefully  how  many  windows  they  could  afford  to  keep 
open  to  the  light,  as  each  one  involved  a  heavy  window-tax  ;  and  in 
many  other  details  of  household  economy  the  question  of  taxation  was 
always  before  men's  minds.  From  allusions  in  letters  of  this  period 
a  suspicion  has  crossed  my  mind  that  John  Ehot's  objection  to  armorial 
bearings  was  not  wholly  a  religious  scruple  but  to  some  extent,  if  not 
entirely,  a  question  of  avoiding  needless  taxes  when  so  many  had  to  be 
paid. 

Farming  does  not  seem  to  have  been  necessarily  a  source  of 
fortune,  even  in  those  days,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  difficulty  which  he 
experienced  in  getting  in  his  rents,  and  we  find  him  writing  to  his 
Agent — who  was  probably  asking  for  some  fresh  outlay  on  the  Estate — 
that  if  the  owner  of  Ashmore  had  no  other  resources  he  would  be  little 
better  than  a  pauper  !  But  though  he  grumbled  at  the  bad  times,  his 
house  was  always  open  to  those  in  distress,  and  his  gifts  must  have 
amounted  to  a  considerable  sum. 

On  the  7'"'  December,  1796,  John  EHot's  only  surviving  daughter 
Mariabella  was  married  to  Luke  Howard,*  the  son  of  his  old  friend  and 

*  Sec  page  93.  We  find  from  the  "  Gentlem.iii's  M.iga2ine  "  th:it  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  Luke 
Howard  was  liviiiR  in  Fleet  St. 


no  ELIOT  PAPERS  1796 

neighbour  Robert  Howard.  The  young  Luke  Howard  must  have  been 
a  gratifying  son-in-law.  His  father,  Robert  Howard,  was  a  man  of 
singularly  strong  and  sterUng  character,  who  had  achieved  great  success 
in  business  by  straightforward  means.  He  was  a  pioneer  in  the  applica- 
tion of  division  of  labour  to  his  own  branch  of  manufacture — the 
excellence  of  the  goods  turned  out  of  his  Works,  in  Old  Street,  was  such 
that  the  few  specimens  that  have  come  down  to  our  time  are  treasured 
as  f;ir  superior  to  modern  work,  and  a  story  which  his  grandson,  Robert 
Howard,  was  fond  of  teUing,  shows  that  hisprosperity  was  not  gained  by 
oppressing  his  workpeople.  At  some  time  towards  the  end  of  last 
century  or  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  present,  there  were  serious  riots 
in  London  because  of  the  price  of  bread,  and  an  unfounded  rumour  was 
circulated  that  the  Quakers  were  guilty  of  "forestaUing"  corn,  and  so  pro- 
ducing an  artificial  dearth.  The  word  \vas  therefore  passed  round 
among  the  mob  that  they  were  to  "  have  a  go  at  the  old  Quaker's  in 
Old  Street." 

The  workmen  at  the  Factory  got  wind  of  the  intention,  and,  without 
consulting  their  master,  whose  Quaker  principles  would  have  been 
against  resisting  force  by  force,  they  formed  their  own  plans.  The  stools 
at  which  they  sat  at  their  work  were  three-legged,  the  legs  being  made  of 
old  coach-wheel  spokes.  They  took  out  these  legs,  which  formed  the 
toughest  possible  of  truncheons — drew  on  their  shirts  over  their  coats 
so  that  they  might  know  each  other  in  the  dark  (a  true  "  camisarde  ") 
and  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  mob.  When  these  gentlemen  appeared, 
expecting  to  have  things  all  their  own  way,  they  found  themselves 
welcomed  so  warmly  that  after  receiving  a  sound  thrashing  they  dispersed 
and  carefully  avoided  the  neighbourhood  in  future.  There  is  still 
extant  a  manly  and  well  reasoned  pamphlet  in  which  Robert  Howard 
exposes  the  fallacy  of  the  prejudice  against  the  Quakers,  and  of  the 
slanders  in  circulation  about  them. 

The  house  in  which  he  lived  may  still  be  identified,  a  small  portion  of 
the  handsome  old  grey  and  red  brick  building  remaining  as  No.  75  Old 
Street,  the  larger  part  having  been  pulled  down  to  make  way  for  a  public 
house.  Turning  down  Central  Street  we  soon  come  on  the  left  to 
"  Howard's  Buildings,"  which  evidently  occupy  the  spot  where  his 
workshops  formerly  stood.  A  curious  proof  of  the  rapid  growth  of 
London  may  be  traced  in  the  fact  that  he  left  this  house  and  went  to  live 


1796  ELIOT  PAPERS  III 

at  Stamford  Hill,  because  the  green  fields  between  Old  Street  and  the 
New  River  began  to  be  built  over.  In  the  present  day  there  is  an 
unbroken  sea  of  houses  for  miles  in  that  direction.  A  few  of  his  letters 
have  been  preserved,  which  show  a  large  heart  and  a  kindly  humour. 

Luke  Howard  himself  was  one  of  a  circle  of  brilliant  young  men,  who 
in  March,  1796,  formed  themselves  into  an  Association  called  the 
Askesian  Society,  for  the  discussion  of  scientific  questions.  Among  the 
Members  were  William  Allen,  William  Phillips,  Alexander  Tilloch,  and 
W.  H.  Pepys.  This  Society  was,  in  1806,  merged  into  the  Geological 
Society,  but  among  the  papers  which  were  read  before  it  during  its  short 
existence  was  at  least  one  which  has  attained  world-wide  celebrity.  It 
was  a  short  essay  read  in  1803  by  Luke  Howard,  proposing  a  classifica- 
tion and  nomenclature  of  the  clouds. 

It  is  claimed  by  French  writers  that,  in  iSol,  one  of  their  Savants, 
Lamarck,  had  already  sketched  out  such  a  classification.  This  is  very 
possible,  although  it  seems  clear  that  Luke  Howard  had  never  heard  of 
the  attempt.  Great  advances  in  science  are  generally  the  result  of 
thoughts  which  are  moving  in  many  minds,  but  the  honour  lies  with  the 
man  who  grasps  the  whole  question  and  reduces  vague  speculations  into 
a  scientific  and  practical  form.  Luke  Howard  not  only  suggested  a 
classification  of  the  clouds,  but  worked  out  the  whole  subject  on  such  a 
well-considered  system  that  the  names  which  he  selected  for  the  various 
modifications  have  survived  nearly  a  century  of  criticism  and  attempted 
amendment,  and  remain  the  accepted  standard  for  the  whole  scientific 
world. 

Although  he  is  recognised  as  the  father  of  the  modern  science 
of  meteorology  there  is  no  doubt  that  this  essay  was  his  greatest  achieve- 
ment. He  continued  to  study  the  science  for  many  years.  In  18 18  he 
pubhshed  a  work  in  two  volumes  on  "The  Chmate  of  London"* — the 
result  of  a  good  many  years'  observations.  It  was  of  undoubted  value 
at  the  time,  and  set  many  other  minds  working,  but  the  theory  which 
he  attempted  to  establish  of  a  regularly  recurring  cycle  of  hot  and  cold 
seasons  has  not  been  entirely  confirmed  by  subsequent  observations, 
although  it  has  some  undoubted  basis  in  fact.  He  possessed  for  very 
many  years  a  registering  clock,t  by  which  the  variations  of  the  barometer 

*  A  second  edition  in  three  volumes  appeared  in  1833. 

t  This  clock  is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  Grandson,  William  Dillworth  Howard,  and  is  a  beautiful 
specimen  of  workmanship. 


112  ELIOT  PAPERS  I796 

were  recorded  on  the  outer  portion  of  the  dial,  which  made  one  revolu- 
tion in  the  twelve  months.  These  diagrams  were  afterwards  pubHshed, 
at  great  expense,  under  the  name  of  "  Barometrographia."  But  perhaps 
his  most  useful  publication — next  to  the  essay  on  the  Modifications  of 
the  Clouds,  was  a  little  volume  called  "  Seven  Lectures  on  Meteorology," 
which  formed  an  invaluable  text-book  for  many  years.  He  was  made  a 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  a  Member  of  some  of  the  learned 
Societies  of  the  Continent. 

His  Classification  of  the  Clouds  attracted  the  notice  of  the  poet 
Goethe,  who  wrote  a  poem  on  the  subject,  and  entered  into  a  corres- 
pondence which  will  be  found  in  Goethe's  Complete  Works.  The  poet's 
original  letter  is  still  in  the  possession  of  the  family.  L.  H.  also  became 
connected  with  Germany  by  the  useful  work  which  he  accomplished  in 
distributing  a  fund  raised  in  England  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers  bv  the 
Napoleonic  Wars.  His  services  to  the  Germans  were  so  conspicuous 
that  he  was  presented  with  a  diamond  ring  by  the  King  of  Prussia,*  and 
with  some  very  beautiful  specimens  of  Saxon  porcelain  (made  for  the 
purpose)  by  a  Committee  representing  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony.  He  was 
also  made  an  Honorary  Citizen  of  Magdeburg. 

It  is  pleasant  to  find  that  his  services  to  Meteorology  are  not  forgotten 
by  the  English  public.  A  leading  article  in  the  "  Standard  "  of  the  26th 
April,  1893,  speaks  of  him  as  "the  admirable  Mr  Howard,  who  has  so 
patiently  preserved  the  scattered  weather  notes  of  his  time." 

Luke  Howard  began  business  in  Fleet  Street,  but  afterwards  went  into 
partnership  with  the  celebrated  man  of  science  and  philanthropist  William 
Allen.  They  had  a  Chemical  Manufactory  at  Stratford,  Essex,  and  a 
Warehouse  at  Plough  Court,  Lombard  Street.  In  course  of  time  the 
two  businesses  were  separated,  each  to  hold  a  leading  position  in  its 
own  Hne.  The  Stratford  business  remains  as  that  of  Messrs  Howards  & 
Sons,  and  the  Plough  Court  branch  as  that  of  Messrs  Allen  & 
Hanbury's. 

But  to  return  to  his  marriage  with  Mariabella  Eliot.  The  union  was 
a  very  well  assorted  one  ;  for  the  sound  practical  common  sense  inherited 
by  the  wife  from  the  Eliot  family,  served   as  a  useful   balance  to   the 


*  A  second    diamond    ring  was  given  by  another   Potentate.       Both  rings  are  still  in  the  possession  of  the 
family,  as  is  also  the  porcelain. 


1796 — 1797  ELIOT  PAPERS  II3 

brilliant  but  rather  erratic  genius  of  the  husband,  and  the  children  par- 
took, in  varying  proportions,  of  both  characteristics. 

The  young  couple  settled  at  Plaistow  in  Essex — then  a  small  country 
village,  with  a  leisurely  coach  to  London  once  a  day,  charging  3/-  inside, 
and  2/-  outside — return  fare.  Besides  being  conveniently  near  his 
business  at  Stratford  it  possessed  the  attraction  of  a  large  Meeting  of 
the  Friends,  which  was  attended  by  many  well-known  families,  the 
Gurneys  of  Ham  House,  the  Frys  of  Plashet,  the  Barclays  of  Leyton  and 
others.  In  the  early  part  of  the  present  century  there  were  "  seldom 
less  than  twenty  carriages,  nearly  all  with  a  pair  of  horses,  at  the  Friends' 
Meeting  on  a  Sunday  morning."  (See  "  Old  Plaistow,"  by  J.  S.  Curwen, 
charmingly  illustrated  by  Spedding  Curwen,  for  this  and  many  other 
details  of  the  village  in  old  days.) 

Luke  Howard's  house  was  in  the  principal  street,  known  by  the  quaint 
name  of  "  Balaam  Street."  It  still  stands,  and  is,  I  believe,  at  present 
inhabited  by  the  local  Doctor. 

At  Plaistow  were  born  their  eight  children  : — 

Mary — 17  November,  1797 — died  at  about  17  years  of  age. 

Robert — 26  June,  1801 — died  2  June,  187 1.  Married  Rachel, 
daughter  of  Samuel  Lloyd,  of  Birmingham,  and  left  issue. 

Elizabeth — 26  January,  1803 — died  19  January,  1836,  married 
John  Hodgkin,  of  Tottenham,  and  left  issue. 

Rachel — 18  June,  1804 — died  unmarried  24  September,  1837. 
Authoress  of  many  useful  works  for  the  instruction  of  children  in 
Scriptural  knowledge. 

MariabELLA — 31  July,  1805 — died  7  June,  1806. 

A  Son,  not  named — 1 1  August,  1806 — died  20  August,  1806. 

John  Eliot — ll  December,  1807— died  22  November,  1883- 
Married  Maria,  daughter  of  William  Dilhvorth  Crewdson,  of  Kendab 
and  left  issue. 

Joseph — 30  May,  1811 — died  unmarried  13  June,  1833, 


114  ELIOT   PAPERS 

Luke  Howard  afterwards  bought  an  estate  known  as  the  Villa,  Ack- 
worth,  near  Pontefract — being  attracted  to  that  neighbourhood  probably 
by  the  fact  that  his  Mother  came  from  Pontefract,  and  also  by  the 
existence  in  the  village  of  a  colony  of  Friends  and  a  large  pubhc  school 
of  the  Society,  in  which  he  took  a  great  interest. 

Luke  Howard  was  born  Nov.  28,  1772,  and  died  March  21,  1864,  at 
Tottenham. 

Mariabella  Howard  was  born  in  1769,  and  died  Feb.  23,  1852,  at 
Tottenham.  Both  were  buried  in  the  "  Friends' "  Burial  Ground  at 
Winchmore  Hill,  Middx. 


CHAPTER     XXV. 


JOHN    ELIOT'S    DEATH 


It  is  needless  to  lengthen  out  our  history — what  has  already  been 
recorded  is  sufficient  to  give  some  sort  of  picture  of  this  long  and 
useful  life,  and  I  have  done  my  best  to  present  it  fairly  in  its  various 
aspects. 

We  may  therefore  pass  on  to  the  close,  which  took  place  on  the  loth 
of  January,  1813,  at  the  age  of  77,  and  in  this  case  as  in  others,  we  are 
enabled  to  judge  of  the  esteem  in  which  the  subject  of  our  researches 
was  held  by  his  neighbours,  through  the  obituary  notices  or 
"  Testimonies  "  which  were  recorded,  after  the  custom  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  as  well  as  by  less  formal  and  more  personal  memoranda.  The 
"  Testimony  "  drawn  up  by  the  Peel  Monthly  Meeting  (the  Meeting  for 
Church  discipline  to  which  he  belonged)  has  been  already  quoted, 
where  it  gives  details  which  are  not  found  in  Journals  or  Letters.  It 
gives  a  very  brief  account  of  his  last  days,  which  were  passed  peacefully 
in  the  company  of  his  son  and  daughter.  "  A  week  or  two  before  his 
"  last  illness,  in  speaking  to  a  friend  he  emphatically  said  '  Mercy  I  need 
"and  mercy  I  have,'  and  when  near  his  end,  'On  his  son's  signifying 
"  concern  for  his  great  bodily  weakness,'  he  replied  '  It  is  as  the  Lord 
"  pleaseth.'  He  very  tranquilly  departed  this  life  on  the  9*''  of  V^  month 
"  18 13  at  his  house  in  Bartholomew  Close,  London,  and  on  the  l6"'  his 
"  remains  were  interred  in  Friends'  Burial  Ground  at  Winchmore  Hill. 
"  He  was  in  the  78"'  year  of  his  age  and  had  been  a  Minister  about 
"53  years." 


Il6  ELIOT  PAPERS  1813 

It  appears  that  his  wife  had  died  "  about  a  year  before  his  decease," 
and  his  remains  were  laid  close  beside  hers. 

The  following  little  poems  written  at  the  time  by  friends  may  not  be 
of  great  Hterary  value,  but  show  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held. 

"  Friend,   from    my   youth    to    life's   maturer   age 
"  Grateful    I    pay   the    tributary   tear — 
"  And,  whilst   thy   loss   my   pensive    thoughts   engage 
"  A    monitory   voice    I    seem   to   hear. 

"As   if  on   Zephyr's   softest    wings   it    came, 
"  Saluting    mental    ear   with    accents   kind — 
"  Let   his   example    kindle    virtue's   flame — 
"  Elijahs   still    their   mantles   leave    behind." 

"  The  writer  of  the  above  Unes  wishes  them  to  be  considered  as  an 
"affectionate  tribute  to  the  memory  of  one  who  has  befriended  and 
"  soothed  him  in  the  hour  of  adversity  and  affliction  and  occasionally 
"  favoured  him  with  his  short  but  pithy  advice." 

"John  Eliot  departed  this  Hfe  lo'>^  of  the  I^'  month  18 13,  Aged  77. 

"  Of  polished   manner   and    of  peaceful  mind 

"  Learning   and   wealth,  with   meekness   crowned,  were    seen. 

"  The    Christian   with    the    Gentleman   combined, 

"  Shone    in   his   life    and   dignified   his   mien. 

"  The   world's    delights   and    transient   joys   of  youth 
"  He   tried   unsatisfied,   then    rose   above, 
"Preferred   the    "still   small   voice"    of  heavenly   truth 
"  And   pure    perfections    of  redeeming   love. 

"  To    earthly   things  he    gave    their    proper   place, 

"  And   walked   through    life    with    step   so   firm   and   even 

"  That    all    who    knew   him    might    distinctly   trace 

"  A    rich    man*    subject   to    the   reign    of  Heaven." 

A.    SHERWOOD. 

*  Matthew  XIX.  24. 


ELIOT  PAPERS  II7 

The  following  letter,  written  by  John  Eliot's  Cousin  Mary  Stephenson 
about  52  years  after  his  death,  contains  many  interesting  reminiscences, 
but  I  am  convinced  that  in  several  matters  there  are  confusions  between 
John  Eliot  I  and  John  Eliot  III — both  of  whom  might  have  been 
remembered  by  Mary  Stephenson's  Mother. 

Thus  we  may  feel  quite  certain  that  J.  E.  Ill  never  wore  a  sword 
after  he  appeared  at  Meeting  in  a  plain  hat  in  1757,  and  I  can  hardly 
think  that  his  coach  ever  took  him  or  his  children  to  places  of 
amusement,  though  his  Grandfother's  coach  may  doubtless  have  been  so 
engaged.  John  Eliot  III  only  bought  his  coach  on  10  mo.  31,  1775, 
when  he  paid  ;^90  for  it;  on  12  mo.  8,  he  gave  ;^50  for  a  pair  of 
horses,  and  on  3  mo.  14,  1776,  he  gave  j(^l6  14s  6d  for  the  harness. 
On  2  mo.  27,  1777,  he  sold  the  horses,  and  on  4  mo.  22,  1778,  he 
sold  the  coach  and  harness,  so  he  only  had  it  in  actual  use  for  less 
than  a  year. 

"  The  name  of  "  Eliot  "  from  my  Mother's  early  days,  and  those  of  her 
"children,  was  very  intimately  associated — I  remember  her  knowing  of 
"  the  Eliot  family  being,  when  little  children,  made  social  at  or  on  the 
"  dinner  table  rather  (being  allowed  to  walk  upon  it  amidst  the  wine 
"  bottles)  of  their  neighbour,  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  at  the  time  their 
"  grounds  joined,  before  my  cousin  relinquished  the  high  style  on  which 
"  he  for  "  conscience  sake "  gave  up  that  mode  of  living,  and  which 
"  within  my  Mother's  memory  so  much  differed  from  a  later  period  of 
"  his  hfe.  I  have  often  heard  my  Mother  speak  of  my  Cousin's  coach, 
"  when  for  their  childrens  going  out,  it  was  used  to  take  them  to  their 
"  place  of  amusement,  my  Mother  and  Aunts  being  their  cotemporaries 
"  in  childhood.  At  that  time  J.  E.  and  indeed  the  greater  part,  I  believe, 
"  of  his  life,  constantly  kept  a  country  and  a  town  house — the  latter,  in 
"  London,  he  built  himself,  but  within  my  recollections  his  manner  of 
"  life  was  comparatively  plain,  with  not  more  than  one  footman,  and  a 
"simple  open  carriage,  and  after  his  Father's  death,  his  son  still. more 
"  self-denying,  retained  not  more  than  one  dwelling  house,  I  think  tio 
"  carriage  and  not  more  in  all  than  perhaps  three  servants — (besides  an 
"  Almoner,  he  was  a  man  of  very  superior  excellence — of  great  worth?) 

"  But  I  remember  knowing  that  a  single  sister  of  my  cousin  John 
"  Eliot,  drove  her  coach  &  four,  and  I  have  heard  my  Mother  speak  of 
"  cousin  John  E's  in  Dress,  wearing  his  sword. 


[l8  ELIOT  PAPERS 

"  He  was  a  very  great  gentleman,  both  in  manners  and  person,  his 
'  hand  was,  I  thinlv,  almost  the  softest  with  which  mine  was  ever  pressed. 
'  Of  my  dearest  Sarah  he  was  very  fond  in  her  infancy  and  childhood, 
'when  at  their  -house,  at  which  from  our  Infantile  Days  we  were  very 
'  often  staying  both  in  town  and  country,  it  used  to  be  one  of  her  treats 
'  to  ride  upon  his  foot,  and  be  led  about  his  beautiful  garden  by  his 
'  own  hand. 

"  I  never  knew  him  to  take  so  much  interest  in  any  young  person  as 
'  in  that  of  my  dearest  sister  Sarah,  nor  was  he  indeed  very  attractive 
'  to  children  generally,  his  seriousness  when  we  knew  him  approaching 
'  to  gravity. 

"  Of  myself  I  do  not  remember  his  taking  much  notice  in  my  child- 
'  hood  except  in  one  instance  when  I  think  his  wife  or  my  cousin 
'  Mariabella  had  taught  me  to  knit,  and  I  endeavoured  to  teach  it  to  him, 
'  till  my  complaining  of  his  awkwardness  and  trial  of  my  patience,  so 
'  excited  the  company,  that  in  his  gentle  way,  he  at  last  acknowledged  he 
'  had  better  give  up  Cousin's  instructions.  His  son  (IV)  used  to  make 
'  me  his  plaything  in  my  infancy,  racing  with  me  about  the  grounds,  and 
'  in  later  hfe,  to  the  end  of  his,  he  was  my  correspondent,  my  counsellor, 
'  my  guide  and  a  most  loved  relative  and  very  dear  friend,  quite  a 
'  parental  one,  whose  loss  we  had  all  the  greatest  reason  to  deplore. 
'  Earth  felt  a  desolation  for  days,  after  his  lamented  death.  It  was  after 
'  our  dear  parents,  and  he  was  to  2is  all,  as  next  to  a  Father. 

"  There  was  something  of  a  grandeur  at  his  own  Dinner  table  in  the 
'sight  of  my  Cousin  John  EHot  Senr.  (Ill)  occupying  the  centre  of  the 
'  left  side  of  it  by  himself,  his  wife  sitting  at  the  head,  he  used  to  use  a 
'  large  water  plate,  under  that  upon  which  his  meat  was  served,  and 
'  Daniel,  his  well  looking  footman,  handing  him  his  large  silver  waiter 
'  with  a  great  silver  tankard  that  had  a  handsome  cover  thrown  back  for 
'  his  master  to  drink  out  of,  all  in  brilliant  polish.  His  wife's  silver 
'  drinking  mug  with  its  beautiful  glass  bottom  used  to  be  an  amusement 
'  for  our  infantile  eyes,  which  I  shall  perhaps  never  forget.  They  had 
'  table  cloths  and  napkins  with  their  own  arms  upon  them,  made  for 
'  them  in  Holland. 

"  There  arrived  a  period  in  which  my  Cousin  resolved  no  longer  to 
'  waste  money  in  paying  the  tax  for  such  articles,  and  his  wife  had  to  cut 
'  up  these  elegant  damasks,  woven  expressly  for  their  use  in  a  foreign 
'  country. 


ELIOT  PAPERS  II9 

"  I  believe  he,  J.  E.  and  the  Earl  of  Chatham  were  ver\^  friendly 
"  neighbours  when  their  estates  joined.  In  his  family  his  humility  was 
"  distinguished  ;  he  used  often  to  come  to  our  house,  perhaps  more 
"  frequently  than  to  most  others.  He  was  particularly  kind  to  my 
"  Father's  children,  but  I  did  not  like  him  so  much  as  his  more  cheerful 
"  son,  and  it  was  not  very  pleasant,  or  at  least  I  did  not  find  it  so,  to  ride 
"with  him  in  his  open  carriage,  he  was  so  serious,  not  to  say  very  grave, 
"  but  my  dearest  Sarah  did  not  find  his  demeanour  uncongenial,  she  used 
"to  be  more  pleased  to  be  with  him. 

"  His  wife  was  as  volatile  as  he  was  demure,  and  to  be  with  them 
"  together  was  sometimes  really  amusing. 

"  The  name  of  Giles  Fetiplace"'''  was  to  us  an  unknown  one  before  thy 
"  last  kind  letter.  How  much  I  should  like  to  see  his  residence  at 
"  Coin,  by  thy  daughter  Mariabella  perhaps  it  has  been  visited  ? 

"  I  have  an  idea  that  I've  heard  Mary,  the  wife  of  John  Eliot,  speak  of 
"  a  person  or  persons  named  Bellers,  but  I  should  fear  to  assert 
"  it  positively. 

"  The  estate  at  Coin  continued  the  property  of  some  of  the  descendents 
"of  the  two  families  till  a  few  years  since.  Were  these  descendents 
"  those  of  Maria  Bella  Howard  ?  f 

"  I  shall  always  be  pleased  to  hear  of  the  welfare  of  the  famihes  of  your 
"  Tribe,  and  with  our  united  love  to  all  our  Cousins. 

"  I  remain  thine  obliged 

"  Mary  Stephenson." 

In  the  "  Gentleman's  Magazine"  for  1813,  part  I,  p.  185,  the  obituary 
notice  is  given  under  the  date  of  Jan.  9  "  In  his  78th  year,  John  Eliot  of 
"  Bartholomew  Close,  one  of  the  people  called  Quakers  :  a  man  strictly 
"  conscientious  and  of  extreme  beneficence." 


*   See  note  on  p.ige  4. 

t    No  !    certainly  not,  hut  probably  of  Lady  Bridger. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 


JOHN     ELIOT     (IV) 


Of  John  Eliot  (IV)  we  find  little  to  record.  He  was  born,  as  we  have 
seen,  on  the  26th  November,  177 1,  having  a  twin  sister  Ann,  who  died 
in  her  fifth  year  :  and  he  died  on  the  7th  of  March,  1830.  He  was,  as 
far  as  I  can  trace,  born  in  the  same  house  (built  by  his  father  in  1770) 
in  which  he  lived  and  died,  unmarried.  His  course  seems  to  have  been 
singularly  uneventful,  and  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  personal 
details  of  sufficient  interest  to  record.  He  was  pious  and  studious,  but 
does  not  seem  to  have  left  any  literary  remains  except  numerous  "  com- 
monplace books "  on  the  subjects  which  he  was  reading,  and  a  small 
pamphlet  to  elucidate  certain  obscure  passages  in  "  Barclay's  Apology," 
which  perhaps  serves  to  make  the  obscurity  rather  more  apparent  than 
it  already  was. 

We  must,  however,  not  omit  to  record  that  subsequent  generations 
are  greatly  indebted  to  him  for  the  pains  which  he  took  in  preserving 
family  records  and  papers,  and  in  drawing  up  a  carefully  prepared  genea- 
logy which  has  not  only  proved  of  great  interest  but  has  often  been 
referred  to  to  settle  legal  points  relating  to  family  property. 

His  nephew,  Robert  Howard,  hved  with  him  for  some  time  in  the  old 
house  in  Bartholomew  Close,  and  I  think  always  retained  a  sense  of 
respect  mingled  with  awe  at  the  dulness  of  the  menage  of  the  worthy 
bachelor  Uncle.  John  EHot  (IV)  was,  however,  of  the  same  generous 
temper  as  his  father — not  always  discreet  perhaps  in  his  benefactions, 
for  his  Nephew  used  to  relate  that  there  were  quite  a  swarm  of  pension- 
ers who  retired  to  spend  their  doles  at  the  neighbouring  Public  House. 
(Perhaps  the  very  place  where  the  Parish  Club  used  to  dine  off  his 
father's  confiscated  pewter  plates.) 
I 


122  ELIOT   PAPERS  183O 

One  of  his  personal  characteristics  was  extreme  shyness,  to  which 
was  added  what  can  onlv  be  described  as  an  exaggerated  form  of  prudery. 
During  his  last  illness  he  was  visited  by  one  of  his  nieces  in  company 
with  her  husband.  On  taking  leave,  the  husband  suggested,  sotto  voce, 
that  his  wife  should  kiss  her  Uncle,  but  she  instantly  repelled  the 
suggestion,  as  she  said  he  would  not  think  it  at  all  proper. 

He  is  said  to  have  once  got  so  far  towards  making  a  proposal  of 
marriage  as  to  reach  the  door-step  of  the  lady,  but,  with  his  hand  on  the 
knocker,  shyness  overcame  him  and  he  fairly  turned  tail,  and,  as  he  would 
have  expressed  it,  "  withdrew  from  the  undertaking." 

He  was  a  strict  Quaker,  and  of  recognised  standing  in  the  Society, 
though  not  equal  to  that  occupied  by  his  Father.  I  am  not  sure  that 
he  ever  preached  in  their  Meetings. 

It  is  however  very  pleasant — after  recording  the  life-long  battle  which 
his  father  waged  against  everything  connected  with  the  National  Church 
— to  close  the  history  of  the  John  Eliots  with  the  evidence  that  kinder 
views  prevailed  before  the  race  died  out. 

A  few  years  ago,  I  was  visiting  the  beautiful  old  Church  of  St. 
Bartholomew-the-Great  (from  which  Bartholomew  Close  takes  its  name) 
and  happened,  on  leaving,  to  mention  to  Miss  Hart,  the  well-known 
and  most  eccentric  old  sextoness,  that  my  ancestors  the  Eliots  lived 
close  by.  To  my  surprise  the  old  lady  brightened  up  at  once  and  said, 
"  I  remember  Mr  John  EHot  the  old  bachelor  gentleman  very  well,  and 
"  he  left  ^30  to  the  poor  of  the  parish,  you  can  see  his  name  among 
"  the  benefactors  painted  up  in  the  Church." 

I  could  hardly  believe  that  she  was  not  mistaken,  but  she  led  me  back 
to  the  old  board,  then  placed  conspicuously  in  the  Church,  but  now 
removed  to  some  back  region,  and  there  the  last  name  of  all  was  "John 
Eliot,"  with  the  date  1830,  and  the  record  of  his  bequest. 

And  so  we  may  part  with  the  last  of  the  John  Eliots  passing  away 
quietly,  at  peace  with  his  God  and  with  all  the  world,  and  leaving  a  good 
name  to  be  remembered  gratefully  by  his  poorer  neighbours,  fully  half 
a  century  after  he  was  laid  near  his  father  and  mother  in  the  Friends' 
Burial  Ground  at  Winchmore  Hill. 

"  The  memory  of  the  just  is  blessed." 


1830  ELIOT   PAPERS  I23 

Note.  In  the  second  part  of  these  memorials  I  take  up  the  thread 
of  the  papers  which  came  into  the  family  by  the  marriages  of  John 
Ehot  (II)  with  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins  and  of  John  Eliot  (III) 
with  Mary  Weston.  These  go  back  to  the  XVII  century,  and  contain 
much  of  interest  in  connection  with  the  early  history  of  the  Society 
of  Friends  and  other  matters. 


I  2 


APPENDIX 

(the  essay  or  meditation  on   the  subject  of  deformity,  by 
mariabella  eliot,  alluded  to  on  page  88.) 


Having  heard  some  years  ago  a  great  character  of  "  An  Essay  on  Deformity,"  and 
accidently  seen  it  in  a  Bookseller's  window,  I  thought  of  buying  it,  as  I  was  afterwards 
sitting  by  myself,  but  then  remembering  that  I  had  heard  the  sentiments  were 
very  just  and  right,  but  some  queried  whether  the  Author  really  thought  as  he 
spoke ;  and  reflecting  how  often  this  subject  had  been  thought  of  by  me,  and 
appeared  in  various  points  of  light,  I  was  not  willing  to  have  my  own  sentiments 
confounded  with  or  swallowed  up  by  his  (which  I  feared  would  be  the  case  if  1 
did  not  write  them  down  before  I  read  his  book).  I  therefore  took  a  pen  and 
wrote  hastily  those  sentiments  that  arose  on  the  subject,  without  any  study  or 
correction,  regarding  nothing  but  the  knowledge  of  their  having  been  the  constant 
sentiments  of  my  heart.  I  had  no  intention  of  showing  them  to  any  person,  nay 
I  don't  remember  that  I  intended  keeping  the  paper  when  I  had  wrote  it  any 
longer  than  to  answer  the  end,  which  induced  me  to  write  it,  but  being  disappointed 
in  not  having  the  book,  1  laid  this  rough  sketch*  away. 

Ashamed  of  myself,  yet  ashamed  of  this  Shame,  wondering  that  others  don't 
despise  me,  though  I  am  sensible  such  a  sentiment  would  be  wrong  in  any,  yet  I 
confess  that  were  1  not  taught  by  drinking  the  bitter  cup  myself,  (the  taste  of  it) 
I  fear  I  should  not  think  as  I  ought  with  regard  to  others  in  like  circumstances. 
Prejudice  I  find  in  this  as  indeed  in  many  other  instances  has  too  much  influence 
on  my  mind,  and  indeed  if  it  has  on  others  the  same  as  on  mine,  I  know  not  a 
harder  principle  to  overcome. 

Let  those  therefore  labouring  under  any  defects  which  themselves  had  no  hand 
in  procuring,  act  to  all  others,  as  tho'  they  were  free  from  them,  but  continually 
take  lessons  of  Humility  from  them. 

Let  them  remember  what  they  like  and  dislike,  and  act  accordingly  to  any 
under  affliction,  that  others  by  observing  it,  may  learn  how  to  behave  to  them. 
This  is  their  indispensable  duty.  Let  them  look  around  on  their  fellow  creatures, 
and  observing  their  afflictions  and  comparing  them  with  their  own  (if  they  find  on 
this  view  that  they  would  not  willingly  change)  let  them  with  reverence  thankful- 
ness, joy  and  admiration,  adore  that  Mercy  who  has  favoured  them  beyond  their 
fellows,  many  of  whom  may  be  better  than  themselves  ;  by  this  means,  murmuring 
would  be  banished  the  earth  and  consequently  much  misery  with  it,  and  in  the 
room    thereof,    praise   would   ascend  to    God,  and  our   hearts  would   be   filled   with 

"  This  sketch  found  among  dear  M.  E's  papers  here  follows ;  the  beginning  seems  to  be  wanting.    (Note  by  J.  E.) 


126  ELIOT   PAPERS 

joy.  Why  should  we  that  have  misfortunes  endeavour  to  bear  them  with  the 
weight  which  others  think  they  have  that  feel  it  not,  when  by  the  mercy  of  God, 
it  is  lighter  to  us  that  are  used  to  it,  by  far  than  it  appears  to  them.  And  I 
verily  believe  with  regard  to  those  outward  misfortunes  that  makes  us  appear 
disagreeable  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  (setting  aside  any  that  are  attended  with 
pain,  or  that  prevent  us  from  enjoying  the  comforts  of  life)  almost  the  whole  of 
their  affliction  is  in  thought.  For  my  own  part  'tis  so  with  me,  and  of  all  the 
thoughts  on  this  subject,  these  are  the  most  afflicting,  the  reproach  I  think 
it  brings  on  my  friends,  the  dislike  it  must  almost  unavoidably  I  fear  tincture  their 
minds  towards  me  with  (I  fear  it  would  mine  to  another,  did  I  not  experience  it 
myself.)  And  if  I  am  mistaken  in  this  fear  which  makes  me  ever  jealous  I  shall 
relapse  into  sorrow  for  that  I  fear  my  friends  must  feel  for  me. 

These  are  the  heads  on  which  I  feel  most  pain  ;  1  feel  none  literally.  1  am 
not  withheld  of  necessity  from  any  real  joy,  therefore  think  I  ought  to  be  abund- 
antly thankful  ;  nay  sometimes  am  almost  ready  to  rejoice,  as  this  affliction  may 
have  been  a  means  to  preserve  me  from  many  dangers,  and  perhaps  from  running 
into  a  way  of  life  that  might  have  been  unprofitable  and  full  of  sorrows  and  dis- 
appointments, and  I  might  longer  have  been  dazzled  with  the  false  beauties  of  this 
life,  which  this  eye  salve  of  humility  has  partly  enabled  me  to  look  steadily  at, 
and  perceive  that  all  things  which  do  not  carry  our  thoughts  beyond  this  life  are 
vain,  or  rather  that  we  are  vain  and  foolish  whenever  we  follow  anything  wherein 
we  have  not  a  view  to  the  recompense  of  reward.  I  never  yet  found  myself  as 
I  remember  so  discontented  as  to  be  willing  to  change  my  deformity  of  body  for 
infirmity,  lameness,  sickness,  pain,  or  any  of  the  many  various  troubles  my  fellow 
creatures  are  afflicted  with,  except  on  account  of  the  disagreeable  thoughts  before 
mentioned,  but  on  those  considerations  would  be  glad  to  undergo  many  things  to 
be  delivered  from  it,  if  that  were  possible,  almost  anything  but  deformity  of  mind, 
which  if  I  have  not  together  with  the  other,  I  am  sure  I  would  not  change  the 
other  for  trouble  on  this  head.  I  freely  confess  I  believe  my  heart  as  susceptible 
of  vanity  as  almost  any  person's,  and  though  I  have  had  but  few  occasions  to 
observe  how  it  stood  affected  to  this  deceiver,  may  own,  whenever  the  opportunity 
offered,  I  found  it  very  treacherous,  and  ready  to  combat  with  reason  in  order  to 
gain  admittance  for  the  enemy,  then  have  I  found  my  seeming  enemy  to  be  my 
best  friend  and  defence  against  my  real  ones. 

By  seeing  this  in  our  own  experience  the  two  ways  of  taking  every  occur- 
rence, we  have  a  view  of  the  Mercy,  Wisdom  and  Goodness  of  God  to  all  the 
workmanship  of  his  hands.  Alas  for  me  !  I  see  many  excellent  things,  far,  yea 
very  far  more  than  I  practise.  Mayst  Thou  that  has  created  in  me  an  understand- 
ing of  the  good,  create  in  me  a  clean  heart  to  will  and  to  do  of  Thy  own  good 
pleasure,  that  1  loving  and  fearing  Thee,  this  with  all  other  things  may  work 
together  for  my  good,  and  let  me  bear  and  act  respecting  it  in  that  manner  which 
may  be   well  pleasing  in  Thy  sight. 


LINES    WRITTEN    BY    MARIABELLA    ELIOT 
ON    HEARING    OF    THE    DEATH    OE    HER    UNCLE,    PHILIP   ELIOT. 

(THE   NEWS   APPEARS   TO    HAVE   REACHED   HER    BY    A    MESSENGER    WHEN   SHE   WAS   ON 
AN    EXCURSION    FROM   TREWORGY    TO   ST.    BLAZEY,   NEAR    ST.   AUSTELL.) 


THE    EARLIER    VERSES    DESCRIBE    THE    BE.\LrV    OF    "BLAZEY    VALE"    AND    THE     PLEASURE    OF    THE    BEGINNING 


My  woes  which  with  the  noontide  of  the  day 

As  in  a  torrent,   overflowed  my  mind. 
And  swept  with  rapid  course  my  joys  away. 

This  was  a  tempest  of  a  fearful  kind. 

And  every  thought,  by  adverse  passions  tost 
Confused  whirled,   till  all  my  peace  was  lost. 

Love,  joy  and  hope,  and  every  tender  tye 
That  binds  the  mind  of  man  to  social  cares. 

Draws  near  and  waits  with  trembling  the  reply, 

That  melts  our  hearts,  and  calls  forth  all  our  tears. 

How  stinted  and  inadequate  their  store. 
My  griefs  to  manifest  that  pain  me  sore. 

That  day  and  night  I  might  my  Uncle  mourn 
Express  my  own,  his  love  to  me  return. 

But  now  alas,  my  tears  are  quickly  dried, 
Does  then  the  sorrow  in  my  heart  subside. 

No  ;  days  &  nights  &  months  &  years  shall  1 
If  in  this  vale  of  tears  so  long  I  stay 

Remember  him  with  many  a  bitter  sigh, 

And  may  his  bright  example  mark  my  way. 

Think  on  his  doctrine,  his  ingenuous  heart 
That  with  an  humble  greatness  seldom  found. 

His  failings  e'en  to  children  could  impart. 

Nor  harboured  there  the  pride  that  this  could  wound. 


128  ELIOT  PAPERS 


His  bounty  emulate ;  wide  ope  my  door 

To  all  his  friends,  and  learn  from  him  to  spread 

My  board  with  plenty,  to  the  good  and  poor, 

And  rear  the  youth  with  learning  and  with  bread. 

His  house  the  strangers  home  is  now  no  more, 
Nor  are  the  naked  clothed  from  his  store. 

All,  all,  that  knew  thee  will  acknowledge  this 
To  clothe  the  naked,  thou  wast  ne'er  remiss. 

How  shall  my  heart  sufficiently  be  bowed 
When  I  reflect  upon  the  great  regard 

Familiar  tenderness  to  me  thou  showed 

The  many  happy  hours  with  thee  I  shared. 

How  did  our  kindred  souls  in  judgment  join, 
Thy  condescension  levelled  thine  to  mine. 

Thy  tongue  declares  the  thoughts  I  thought  before, 
I  hear  with  joy  and  am  confirmed  the  more. 

Thou,  in  the  full  possession  of  thy  strength, 
Of  youth,  of  fortune,  turned  thy  back  on  all. 

Nor  stayed  till  age  deprived  thee  of  thy  health, 
Or  death  surprised  thee  with  a  sudden  call. 

Greatly  disdaining  all  the  scorn  of  man 
And  with  becoming  fortitude  withstood 

Thou  singly  'gainst  the  tide  that  counter  ran 

To  heaven  proved  love  beyond  the  ties  of  blood. 

This  may  I  contemplate  continually, 

That  thou  marked  out  the  road  for  us  to  tread. 
May  we  thy  footsteps  follow  faithfully 

That  through  the  rugged  path  will  safely  lead. 

A  rugged  path,  Life  is  by  heaven  decreed 
That  we  by  faith  and  patience  here,  may  gain 

From  his  all  bounteous  hand,  the  victor's  meed 
Of  endless  joy  and  triumph  over  pain. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  A  DIARY  KEPT  BY  MARIABELLA  ELIOT  ON  A  JOURNEY 
TO  CORNWALL  IN   1759.     (Seepage  68.) 


The  first  of  the  Eighth  Month  1759,  Eliztl'  Johnson,  my  Brother  and  self  set  out 
on  a  journey  to  Cornwall,  at  6,  by  way  of  the  New  Road,  at  the  turning  into  which 
from  Islington  I  was  much  pleased  with  the  view  of  pleasant  woody  hills  in  front  and  to 
the  right  those  of  Highgate  and  Hampstead,  the  Vale,  cattle  and  sheep  feeding,  with 
Pancras  embosomed  with  trees.  To  the  left  hand  London  long  stretched  out  and  a  very 
fine  road  before  us  about  4  miles.  We  passed  through  Hyde  Park,  Kensington, 
Hammersmith,  Turnham  Green,  Brentford  &  Hounslow.  From  Hounslow  is  a  very 
pleasant  road,  winding  between  high  hedges  and  trees — on  either  side  corn  fields.  Some 
plows  were  at  work,  of  a  particular  construction  having  2  small  iron  wheels  in  front — 
one  larger  than  the  other — which  was  drawn  by  3  horses  like  a  stage  coach.  We  came 
by  this  road  to  Belfound  &  Stanes  :  at  the  Swan  at  Egham  we  dined.  The  house  new 
furnished  very  neatly:  good  bread,  butter  &  wine,  but  a  leg  of  Lamb  not  sweet. 
*  *  *  (They  lodged  at  Bagshot,  dined  at  Basingstoke  and  slept  the  second  night  at 
Sutton— thence  through  Stockbridge  to  Salisbury.)  We  dined  at  the  3  Lyons:  the 
Warwickshire  Militia  is  here  and  their  uniform  is  red  &  green.  From  hence  up  a  very 
steep  hill  over  the  Plain  (?  along  White  Sheet  Hill)  which  lays  very  high  &  not  level. 
We  drank  tea  at  the  White  Hart  on  the  Plain.  There  are  fine  prospects  from  this  road: 
to  the  right  fine  hollows,  with  villages  &  rising  hills  around  :  on  the  left  a  chain  of  hills 
with  hollows  covered  with  trees,  furze  &  cattle. 

From  the  White  Hart  we  continued  over  the  plain  to  Shaftesbury,  narrow  streets — 
A  grand  appearance  the  Angel  made  from  the  outside,  a  very  good  dining  room  new 
built,  but  very  dirty  chambers  :  from  the  gallery  up  one  pair  of  stairs  we  went  into  the 
churchyard.  (I  think  the  Angel  must  have  stood  where  the  Grosvenor  Arms  now  stand.) 
Old  crosses  several  in  this  town  (v.'hich)  lay  on  a  hill.  From  two  pretty  walks  leading 
different  ways  from  the  Churchyard  are  very  fine  prospects — a  House  &  pleasant 
gardens  behind  it  at  the  botom  of  the  hill  add  much  to  the  beauty  of  one,  as  the  distant 
views  do  to  the  other.  «  *  »  w^g  left  this  place  late  in  the  morning,  passed  over 
various  hills  and  a  very  fine  gravel  Serpentine  road,  which  was  an  agreeable  view  for  a 
considerable  way  before  us.  We  arrived  at  last  at  Henstread  Ash  where  we  were 
obliged  to  put  up  for  the  rain  as  well  as  to  stay  for  James  (the  servant)  who  was  sent 
to  Hatspen  with  a  message  &  ordered  to  bring  the  answer  to  us  there.  *  •  »  James 
not  coming  &  the  rain  continuing  we  got  an  old  man  as  well  to  be  our  guide  as  to  lead 
my  brother's  horse  :  whom  we  persuaded  to  ride  in  the  chaise. 


130  ELIOT   PAPERS 

(Then  follows  a  long  description  of  Hatspen — or  Hadspen — House,  the  residence 
of  Mr  and  Mrs  \'ickris  Dickenson,  Mrs  Dickenson  being  one  of  her  most  intimate 
friends.  They  proceed  on  their  way  in  the  afternoon,  through  Sommerton  and  get 
benighted  before  they  reach  Taunton,  which  "seems  a  large  place,  like  a  little  City.") 
By  mistake  we  went  to  the  Castle  instead  of  to  the  Fountain,  but  luckily  although  so  late 
went  first  to  look  at  the  Chambers  before  we  ordered  Supper  and  finding  them  very 
ordinary,  though  the  house  on  the  outside  had  a  good  appearance  &  not  much  liking 
the  people,  the  horses  were  taken  out  of  the  stables  &  we  went  to  the  Fountain  where 
we  found  very  good  Chambers.  •  *  *  We  left  this  place  next  morning  &  got  to 
Columpton  about  3  to  dinner  after  losing  our  way  on  the  Common  *  *  »  &  having 
no  time  to  spare  we  passed  through  Wellington.  (It  is  curious  to  think  of  the 
possibility  of  losing  their  way  between  Taunton  and  Wellington,  but  the  roads  were 
then  narrow  and  doubtless  perplexing — the  present  coach  road  not  having  been  yet 
made.)  At  Columpton  the  country  people  were  bringing  in  their  harvest  on  horses  : 
there  are  no  carts :  from  a  pack-saddle  proceeds  on  either  side  two  thick  pieces  of  wood 
down  to  the  horses  belly — then  bends  up  higher  than  the  back  of  the  horse,  forming  a 
capacity  of  holding  about  a  truss  of  hay  each  &  more  on  the  top  &  over  the  saddle.  A 
horse  thus  loaded  looks  as  if  the  hay  was  walking,  they  being  almost  covered.  This 
way  they  carry  household  goods,  liquor,  and  in  short  everything,  only  varying  the 
crooks  accordingly.  For  wine  they  have  open  baskets  of  the  same  shape  &  fastened  as 
they  are  on  either  side  the  saddle  :  for  barrels,  wooden  ones  like  a  tub.  In  some 
narrow  lanes  we  met  droves  of  these  horses  loaden  &  found  'twas  much  better  than 
meeting  carts,  as  these  were  drove  up  a  bank  out  of  our  way  or  turned  back  again 
which  the  other  could  not  be. 

(Space  prevents  insertion  of  a  long  description  of  Exeter  and  of  the  journey  across 
Dartmoor,  where)  were  stones  very  plenteous,  in  some  places  piled  up  by  Nature  into 
craggy  grottoes  which  rise  like  Monuments  over  this  dreary  plain  which  we  quitted  for 
a  narrow  lane — following  which  we  descended  a  very  steep  hill — at  the  bottom  stood 
Oakhampton  (when  they  lodged  and  the  next  day  dined  at  Lydford)  which  consists  at 
present  of  a  few  old  houses,  many  falling,  having  been  formerly  a  large  Town  with 
walls — some  remains  of  which  may  be  discovered.  *  *  »  Scarce  any  village  wa 
passed  through  so  small  &  mean.  We  saw  the  castle  which  stands  on  a  mount — it  is  an 
ancient  square  fortress,  by  the  smallness  scarcely  deserves  the  name  of  a  castle 
consisting  only  on  the  ground  floor  of  a  staircase,  large  room  &  on  the  left  a  large  Dark, 
Deep,  Dismal  Dungeon  from  whence,  underground,  we  were  told  a  passage  leads  to  the 
Bridge  :  upstairs  are  a  Room  in  which  are  sometimes  held  Courts  &  two  Chambers  in 
one  of  which  is  a  Chimney.  (The  diary  breaks  off  after  Lydford  and,  doubtless  that 
evening  they  arrive  at  Liskeard.) 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


No.  II. 


THE    ELIOT    MARRIAGES 

JOHN  ELIOT  (II)  &  MARIABELLA  FARMBOROUGH  BRIGGINS 

1734 
JOHN  ELIOT  (III)  &  MARY  WESTON,  1762 


COMPILED    FROM    FAMILY    PAPERS    BY 

ELIOT    HOWARD 


1895 


INTRODUCTION 


The  former  part  of  these  papers  was  devoted  to  the  personal 
history  of  four  generations  of  John  Eliots  between  1683  and  1830. 

The  marriages  of  the  second  John  Eliot  in  1734  with  xMariabella 
Farmborough  Briggins,  and  of  the  third  in  1762  with  Mary  Weston, 
brought  into  the  family  a  large  collection  of  papers,  diaries,  and  records 
in  family  Bibles,  which  appear  to  be  of  sufficient  interest  to  justify  me 
in  trying  to  rescue  them  from  the  oblivion  in  which  they  have  been 
lying — some  of  them  for  more  than  two  centuries. 

These  records  divide  themselves  naturally  into  three  periods.  First ; 
that  of  the  terrible  persecution  to  which  the  Quakers  were  subjected 
under  the  Commonwealth  and  the  Stuarts. 

Secondly :  the  peaceful  and  prosperous  days  of  Queen  Anne  and 
George  I.  when  they  were  thankfully  taking  their  place  as  a  loyal  and 
useful  part  of  the  nation,  and  (as  they  attended  closely  to  their  various 
branches  of  business  and  lived  very  simple  lives)  were  unavoidably 
growing  rich  :  and  a  third  period  about  the  middle  of  the  XVIII 
century  when  our  interests  are  carried  across  the  Atlantic  and  we 
obtain  a  glimpse  of  the  thriving  American  Colonies  from  the  borders  of 
Canada  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

The  mass  of  material  is  great,  and  a  large  portion  is  of  a  nature 
so  trivial  as  to  have  lost  interest  after  all  these  years — it  has  therefore 
not  been  easy  to  make  a  selection ;  but  I  hope  that  my  readers  will  find 
something  to  repay  them  in  the  very  simplicitv  of  the  records  of  the 
inner    life    of    days    of    moment    in    English     History,    while,    for    the 


iv  INTRODUCTION 

numerous  descendants  of  those  whose  daily  hfe  is  thus  laid  bare,  there 
cannot  fail  to  be  some  instruction  in  realizing  the  stork  from  which 
they  have  sprung. 

I  have  to  acknowledge  with  great  gratitude  the  invaluable  assistance 
of  my  Cousin,  Lady  Fry,  who  undertook  the  formidable  task  of 
deciphering  and  making  extracts  from  the  three  closely  written  volumes 
of  Peter  Briggins'  Diary,  1 703 — 1716.  Without  this  help  it  would 
have  been  almost  impossible  to  complete  the  task  which  I  had 
undertaken. 

E.  H.,  Askmore,  1894. 


C  O  N  T  H  N  T  S 


Introduction 
Chapter 
i. 


xn. 
xiii. 
xiv. 

XV. 

xvi. 
xvii. 
xviii. 
xix. 

XX. 


PAGE 

The  Bleakes  (or  Bleekes)  of  Warminster,  1627         -  1 
The  Persecution  of  the  Quakers — Mariabella  Parm- 

borough           -  3 
„              „                „              „              M.  Farmborough's 

Papers             -  1 1 
„              ,.                „              ,,              The  Briggins 

Family             -  15 

Two  Letters  from  George  Fox          -         -         -         -  21 

More  about  the  Briggins  Family        -         -         -         -  23 
A   London   Merchant  of  Queen  Anne's  time — Peter 

i^riggins 25 

Peter  Briggins'  Diary,  1703-5    -----  29 

»        1706-8 39 

„        1711-12           ....  45 

„       1712,  "The  Solemn  Affirmation"  49 

1 7 12-13,  The  Peace  of  Utrecht  53 

1714,  The  Death  of  Queen  Anne  57 

1715,  The  Pretender        -         -  61 

17 15,  The  Great  Frost    -         -  65 

17 16,  The  End  of  the  Diary     -  67 

Peter  Briggins'  Daughters 71 

Family  Letters  and  Papers,  1 709,  &c.        -         -         -  73 

The  Weston  and  Musgrave  Families          -         -         -  79 
Mary  Weston — A  "Ministering  Friend"  of  the  XVIII 

Century    -         - 85 

Mary  Weston's  Journals,  1712,  &c.  -         -         -         -  89 


Chapter  PAGE 

xxii.           Mary  Weston's  American  Journals,  1750,  New  England  93 
xxiii.             ,,            ,,                ,,                „          1750-1,  Southern 

States       -         -  10 1 

xxiv.             ,,           „               „               ,,          I75i>  Connecticut  107 

XXV.           Mary  Weston's  Last  Days          -         -         -         -         -  113 

Appendix  A  :  The  Eliot  Pedigrees 115 

„         B:   "Old"  and  "New"  Styles  of  Calendar         -         -  121 

„         C:  The  "  Briggins  Book"  of  Travels  in  Asia     -         -  123 

„        D :  Itinerary  of  Mary  Weston's  Southern  Journey     -  127 


CHAPTER  I. 
1627.     THE   BLEAKES    OF   WARMINSTER 


The  marriage  of  John  EHot  (ii)  with  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins 
in  1734  introduces  us  to  a  collection  of  letters,  journals  and  memoranda 
of  no  small  interest,  especially  as  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  Society 
of  Friends  from  the  days  of  the  original  institution  of  that  Body. 

We  cannot  do  better  than  trace  the  history  in  the  order  suggested  by 
the  names  of  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins,  beginning  with  the 
curious  name  Mariabella,  which  has  been  handed  down  through  eight 
generations  to  the  present  time.* 

From  the  Parish  Registers  of  Warminster,  Wilts,  we  find  that  in  1626 
William  Bleake  or  Bleeke  married  Elizabeth  Vickers,  and  on  the  1 2th 
of  January,  1627,  is  the  entry  of  the  baptism  of  their  daughter.  But 
here  comes  in  a  curious  difficulty.  The  Christian  nam.e  of  the  child  is 
blotted  so  that  the  latter  portion  is  indistinct,  and  the  part  that  can  be 
clearly  seen  is  M  i  r  a  b  -  - .  The  Rector  of  Trowbridge,  who  kindly 
searched  the  register  for  me,  reads  the  name  as  "  Mirabel,"  whereas  the 
Vicar  of  Warminster,  who  supplied  a  certified  copy  of  the  entry,  gives 

*  I.  Mariabella  Bleake,  b.  1627.       Married  Thomas  Farmborough. 

2.  Mariabella  Farmborough,  daughter  of  the  above,  b.  1665.       Married  Peter  Briggins. 

3.  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins,  daughter  of  the  above,  b.  1708.       Married  John  Eliot. 

4.  Mariabella  Eliot,  b.  1736,  daughter  of  the  above,  died  unmarried. 

5.  Mariabella  Eliot,  b.   1769,  niece  of  the  above.       Married  Luke  Howard. 

6.  Mariabella  Howard,  b.  1805,  daughter  of  the  above,  died  in  infancy. 

(  Mariabella  Hodgkin,  b.  1833  (  nieces  of  the  (  Married  the  Rt.  Honble.  Sir  E.  Fry. 
'■  )  Mariabella  Howard,  b.   1840    /         above         \  Married  Howard  Lloyd. 
r  Mariabella  Fry,  daughter  of  the  above  M.  Fry. 
J  Mariabella  Howard. 
■  1  Mariabella  Lloyd,  daughter  of  the  above  M.  Lloyd. 
{  Mariabella  Eliot  Harison,  n^e  Hodgkin,  niece  of  the  above  M.  Fry. 

J 


2  ELIOT    PAPERS  1627— 1661 

it  as  "  Mirabble,"  sending  therewith  a  letter  explaining  that  it  77iay  be 
Mirabel*  A  careful  examination  of  the  registers  failed  to  disclose  any 
earlier  entry  of  an  ancestress  which  could  throw  light  on  the  name. 
Now  there  is  not  the  smallest  doubt  that  in  after  life  this  daughter  of 
William  Bleake  was  known  as  Marabel,  Maribellah,  Mariabell  or  Mariabella 
(the  details  of  spelling  were  in  those  days  not  much  attended  to  even  in 
proper  names)  but  never  as  Mirabel.  Is  it  hkely  that  Mirabel  would 
become  changed  into  Mariabella,  or  is  it  not  rather  to  be  supposed  that 
the  clergyman,  being  asked  to  christen  a  child  by  a  name  which  he  had 
never  heard,  (Mariabella),  failed  to  catch  the  sound  exactly,  and  entered 
in  the  Register  the  nearest  equivalent  which  suggested  itself?  The 
mystery  of  the  appearance  of  the  name  Mariabella — evidently  Italian  or 
Spanish  in  its  origin — in  a  quiet  English  family,  remains  therefore 
unsolved. 

The  family  of  the  Bleekes  or  Bleecks  still  flourishes  at  Warminster, 
and  its  present  representative — a  wealthy  Solicitor — is  unable  to  help  in 
the  matter,  as  his  records  of  the  fiimily  go  no  further  back  than  1 695, 
and  the  name  of  Mariabella  seems  to  have  died  out  in  the  direct  line 
before  that  time. 

To  return  to  Mariabella  Bleake.  She  married — probably  in  166 1  or 
1662 — Thomas  Farmborough,  "cane  chair  maker"  "living  at  the  sine 
of  y'=  Chaire  in  Poules  Yard  Londun  "  "  Citizen  and  freeman  of  y^  Bakers' 
Compan}^"  and  they  had  two  children,  Thomas,  a  surgeon  who  died 
without  issue  in  1723,  and  Mariabella,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  later.  I 
have  a  pocket  French  Testament  belonging  to  one  of  these  Thomas 
Farmboroughs.  It  bears  the  inscription  "  Thomas  Farmborough,  his 
booke,  1678." 

We  give  the  account  of  the  life  of  this  first  Mariabella  which  is  pre- 
served in  the  family  Bible  of  her  son-in-law  Peter  Briggins — or,  to 
describe  this  treasury  of  family  history  in  its  own  words,  "  Peter  and 
Marriabella  Briggins'  Bible."  (To  illustrate  the  varieties  of  spelling  in- 
dulged in,  we  may  note  that  the  name  is  spelt  on  the  inside  of  the  cover 
with  two  R's  and  two  L's  and  at  the  foot  of  the  title  page  with  one  R 
and  one  L.) 


Vicar's  mistake   evidently  arose    from  not    being    accustomed   to  tlie   peculiar  long   e   of  that  date 
:rv  much  like  a  b. 


CHAPTER    ri. 

THE   PERSECUTION    OF   THE   QUAKERS 

MARIABELLA    FARMBOROUGH 

PETER    BRIGGINS'    ACCOUNT    OF    HIS    WIFE'S    MOTHER 
MARIABELLA   FARMBOROUGH 


"  She  was  convinced  of  the  Blessed  Truth  about  y"^  year  1682,  though 
'  for  many  years  before  she  was  for  hearing  such  that  did  speak  and 
declare  through  their  own  experience  what  y^  Lord  had  done  for  them 
■  and  in  them  &c.  and  about  those  times  those  that  would  not  come  & 
conforme  to  3"^  publick  way  of  worship  &c.  fines  &  imprisonment  were 
the  portion  of  those  that  met  togeather  to  waite  on  y'=  Lord  in  those 
perilous  times.  And  mahshious  informers  was  incouraged.  And  she, 
soon  after  her  convincement  did  suffer  divers  imprisonments  in  Nugate 
at  BristoU  &c.  &  in  Londun  many  months  &  was  a  prisoner  in  Nugate 
in  Londun  at  y^  same  time  my  Father  was  a  prisoner  there,  (She,  I 
remember  lay  in  a  little  naisty  place  they  called  y'^  Lady's  hole,  where 
condemned  persons  lay.)  in  y^  year  1684. 

"  She  was  a  tender  &  servisable  woman  and  was  instrmentall  in  y* 
hand  of  y<=  Lord  by  his  testimony  he  gave  her  to  bear  for  his  name  and 
Truth  and  I  am  well  satisfied  was  very  servisable  to  turne  many  from 
darkness  to  light :  and  tho'  in  hir  old  age  (by  y^  hardships  she  met 
with  in  prisons  &c.)  she  was  afflicted  with  lameness,  by  reason  whereof 
she  used  pritty  much  to  be  confined  at  home,  yet  she  would  goe  as 
J2 


4  ELIOT    PAPERS  1684 

"often  as  possiable  hir  health  would  let  hir  (and  indeed  I  have  tho't 
"  beyond  her  naturall  strength)  she  prity  constantly  attended  y'=  womens 
"  meeting  y*  takes  care  of  y^  poor  &  was  one  of  our  most  servisablest 
"  &  she  with  Mary  Elson  used  to  goe  &  visit  y^  Sick  &c  &.  to  Meetings 
"  tho'  it  was  with  crutches.  Yet  it  pleased  y^  Lord  miraculously  to  give 
"  her  strength  tho'  near  80  years  of  age,  anew,  so  that  she  walked  with- 
"  out  hir  crutches  to  Meetings  &c  untill  hir  last  illness.  She  lived  an 
"inocent  life  &  was  servisable  to  all  &  made  a  good  end  &  used  to 
"  speak  in  hir  Illness  of  hir  Assurance  of  hir  well-being  &  was  in  a 
"  resigned  state  to  y^  Lord's  will — for  hir  to  live  was  Christ  and  to  dye 
"  would  be  gaine.  She  laid  down  hir  head  in  peace  and  I  doubt  not 
"  but  y'  she  is  entered  into  everlasting  rest.  She  departed  this  life  y'= 
"3rd  of  1st  month  1708  in  y=  83  (should  be  82nd?)  year  of  hir  age  & 
"  was  buried  from  Bull  &  Mo.  Meeting,  y^  6th  of  y«  1st  mo.  &  I  and  my 
"4  elder  children  was  there.  There  was  a  good  meeting  and  Ann 
"  Freame  spoak  y'  she  had  heard  our  Mother  say  y'  since  she  was  con- 
"  vinced  of  y=  blessed  truth  she  had  never  acted  directly  contrary  there- 
"  unto  but  y*  she  had  served  y^  Lord  faithfully  in  hir  generation." 

In  Besse's  "  Suflferings  of  the  Quakers  "  we  find  the  following  notice 
of  Mariabella  Farmborough.     (Vol.  I.  p.  484) 

1686.  "  The  storm  had  continued  many  years  with  little  Intermission 
"  and  the  courage  and  Constancy  of  those  who  passed  through  it  was 
"  very  remarkable,  particularly  those  who  frequently  exposed  themselves 
"  at  the  hazard  of  their  Estates,  Liberties  and  Lives,  for  the  sake  of  the 
"  publick  Testimony  to  the  Truth  by  preaching  in  the  AssembHes  for 
"  Worship  at  London  esteeming  no  Worldly  Interest  too  near  or  dear 
"  to  part  with  that  they  might  be  found  in  the  faithful  Discharge  of  their 
"  Duty  in  that  Respect.  Wherefore  in  Justice  to  their  Memory  we 
"  shall  close  this  year  with  a  List  of  the  Names  of  such  of  them  both 
"  Men  &  Women  as  at  present  occur  to  our  Notice  viz — " 

Then  follows  a  list  of  names,  first  of  Men  and  then  of  Women. 
Among  the  latter  is  that  of  Mariabella  Farmborough. 

"  These  Women  were  of  excellent  Endowments,  adorned  with  all 
"  the  Virtues  of  that  Sex,  and  very  serviceable  to  the  Church  in  the 
"  Office  of  the  Ministry,  for  which  they  were  peculiarly  gifted,  being 
"esteemed   by  their   Brethren  as    Fellowhelpers  in   the  Work   of  the 


l684  ELIOT    PAPERS  5 

"  Gospel  of  Christ  and  not  unlike  the  Deaconesses  in  the  first  Ages  of 
"  Christianity." 

(Mentions  of  Mariabella  Farmborough's  imprisonments  and  persecu- 
tions appear  on  pages  457,  462  and  473.  Of  Thomas  Farmborough's 
on  pages  445  and  483.) 

The  following  letter  addressed  to  her  in  1684  throws  a  strange  light 
on  the  sufferings  of  the  early  Quakers  and  on  the  prison  system  of 
those  days. 

"  Bristoll  y'^  3d  of  y«  3d  mo.  1684. 
"  Maribellah  Farmbery 

"  My  deare  ffriend  my  soule  salutes  thee  in  the  truth  &  in 
"  the  sense  that  thou  art  a  fellow  feler  with  the  suffering  saints  &.  poor 
"  of  the  flock.  I  am  wilUng  to  acquaint  thee  that  they  are  now  in  great 
"  suffering  by  reason  of  the  cruelty  of  the  Jaylor,  for  the  Jaylor  have 
"  demanded  money  by  the  weake  heare  at  Newgate  from  our  fTriends  at 
"  Bridewell  &  becaus  they  could  not  yeld  to  his  demands  he  have 
"  yesterday  fetched  our  ffriends  from  Bridewell  to  Newgate  where  the 
"  poor  is  thronged  together  in  Poules  them  (sic)  which  stands  for  a  fre 
"  Prison  &.  a  great  part  of  y™  sat  up  last  night  and  there  is  not  rome 
"  (room)  enough  today  to  put  their  beds  on  (one)  by  another  in  that 
"  sad  place  we  have  made  rome*  in  the  Womens  Ward  for  as  many  as 
"  we  cann  but  he  have  threatened  us  sevrall  times  to  som  of  our  ffriends 
"  that  y^  Womans  ward  shall  not  goe  for  a  fre  prison  &  that  he  will 
"  turn  us  out  if  we  would  not  pay  him,  the  reason  of  my  sending  to  thee 
"  is  that  if  it  may  Posable  be  that  the  King  might  know  of  this  cruell 
"  usage  &  upon  what  account  this  oppression  is  laid  so  havily  upon  the 
"  poor  not  only  to  take  y"  into  a  place  that  is  not  convenient  for 
"  Women  but  also  have  taken  y""  from  their  Imployment  whereby  they 
"  should  get  their  bred  which  goes  very  hard  to  the  honest  harted  that 
"  is  willing  to  labour  with  their  hands  if  they  could  have  a  place.  I 
"  could  be  glad  that  a  short  account  might  have  beene  at  the  Lower  end 
"  of  my  letter  to  the  King  if  the  letter  is  not  gon  that  if  there  had  been 
"  any  bowels  of  marcy  he  might  order  us  to  have  Rome  enough  in  the 
"  Frissons  for  us  to  work  in  &  that  y*^  Jaylors  may  not  so  much  oppres 

*  Shakspere  m.ikes  a  pun  on  tlie  similarity  of  tlie  pronunciation  of  Rome  and  room  :  I  have  heard  an 
old  man  habitually  pronounce  "  dome  "  .is  "  doom  "  and  "  loam  "  as  "  loom." 


5  ELIOT    PAPERS  1684 

'  the  poor  but  that  they  maj'  have  fre  Prisson  if  they  must  be  Prissoners 
'  for  now  it  is  like  unto  faraoh  who  would  make  the  People  to  make 
'  brick  without  straw  for  to  put  us  into  Prison  &  then  to  oppres  us  if 
'  we  will  not  pay  to  two  Jaylors  for  imprisonment. 

"  Deare  ffriend  that  which  I  feared  is  true  com  to  pas  that  this  Jaylor 
'  would  deserve  some  more  with  his  flattery  than  the  other*  did  with  his 
'  Roughnes  for  he  have  often  pretended  great  kindnes  to  y'"  and  told  y"^ 
'  that  he  would  leave  it  to  y™  whether  it  was  not  reason  &  equity  seeing 
'he  was  a  pore  man  &.  had  y'=  place  gave  to  him  by  y*^  SherrfTs  (?)  to  get 
'  mony  that  he  should  be  payd  for  y™  at  Bridewell  &  we  in  the  Womans 
'  ward  &.  also  tould  them  severall  times  that  he  would  fetch  them  from 
'  Bridewell  if  they  did  not  pay  him  mony  according  to  his  desire  &  then 
'  when  friends  did  tell  me  of  it  I  tould  them  that  they  should  have  dealt 
'  plainly  with  him  because  I  was  satisfied  that  he  did  try  them  to  see 
'  how  they  would  beare  with  this  abusive  carage  that  is  now  brought  to 
'  pass  &  I  tould  ffriends  that  as  they  did  meane  to  stand  cleare  they 
'  should  have  been  plaine  with  him  that  we  could  not  bare  to  se  one  a 
'  nother  abused  but  they  thought  least  words  was  best  &  thought  he 
'  would  not  have  proved  as  bad  as  he  thretened  &  was  apt  to  think  that 
'  friends  at  Bridewell  was  to  (too)  scrupellous  in  that  thay  would  not 
'  yeald  to  pay  him  mony  seing  the  mitemous  (mittemus)  was  made  to 
'  Newgat  but  now  the  weight  of  the  sufferings  lyes  very  heavy  upon 
'  som  I  cann  truly  say  that  it  lys  heavier  upon  me  than  my  own  suffer- 
'  ing  &  my  prayer  to  god  is  that  he  may  arise  for  the  deliverance  of  his 
'  oppressed  people  &  desires  thy  Prayers  may  be  in  the  earnest  breath- 
'  ings  of  thy  heart  unto  the  Lord  for  us  that  we  may  stand  faithfuU  to 
'  god  to  the  end  ever  I  remain  thy  sister  in  the  truth 

"  Dorcas  Dole 
"  Remember  my  love  to  ftriends  in  severall " 
Endorsed  "  Bristow  suferings — for  the  Meeting  of  suferings." 
What  a   touching    picture  of  the  days  in  which  the   "  Meeting  for 
Sufferings  "t  of  the  Society  of  Friends  was  a  standing  Committee  to 
receive  reports  of  the  persecutions  to  which  their  members  throughout 
the  country  were  exposed  and  to  consider  means  for  their  rehef — and 

Probably  "  tlie  other"  is  Isaac  Dennis,  who  died  in  1683.      (See  p.  8.) 
t    The  "  Meeting   for   sufferings  "   still   exists  as  a    business   committee  of  the    Society   though  it  is  long 
since  they  had  any  "  sufferings  "  to  deal  with. 


1684 — l682  ELIOT    PAPERS  7 

what  a  strange  revelation  of  prison  life  before  John  Howard  and  Elizabeth 
Fry*  arose  in  their  respective  generations  to  bring  the  strong  light  of 
public  opinion  and  Christian  charity  to  bear  upon  the  system.  We  may 
remember  that  even  felons  in  Newgate  (London)  were  expected  to  pay 
the  Jailor  for  their  irons  if  they  wished  to  be  treated  with  reasonable 
consideration. 

The  persecutions  in  Bristol  were  so  violent  and  so  frequent  that  I 
was  for  a  time  at  a  loss  to  give  this  most  interesting  letter  its  proper 
date — thinking  at  first  that  it  belonged  to  the  furious  outbreak  of  cruelty 
in  1664  when  John  Knight  was  Mayor,  in  which  several  persons  of  the 
name  of  Dole  were  imprisoned.  But  further  investigation  shows  that 
it  clearly  belongs  to  1682-4.  This  persecution  is  mentioned  in  Besse 
(Vol.  I.  chap.  4)  but  fuller  details  are  given  in  a  rare  pamphlet  called 
"  A  Narrative  of  the  Cruelties  and  Abuses  acted  by  Isaac  Dennis,  Keeper, 
"  his  Wife  &  Servant  in  the  prison  of  Newgate  in  the  City  of  Bristol — 
"  upon  the  people  of  the  Lord,  in  scorn  called  Quakers  who  were  there 
"  committed  for  the  exercise  of  their  consciences  towards  God.  With 
"an  Account  of  the  eminent  Judgments  of  God  upon  Him  and  his  End. 
"  Published  for  a  Warning  to  others,  by  some  of  those  People  who  were 
"  sufferers  under  Him."  and  at  the  end  "  Published  by  the  sufferers 
"  themselves,  from  Newgate  Prison  in  Bristol,  the  6th  of  12th  Month 
■'  1684."  (?the  last  numeral  is  not  very  clear.)  This  most  curious  and 
interesting  record  shows  that  Bunyan's  giants  were  gentle  in  the  treat- 
ment of  their  prisoners  compared  to  the  actual  gaolers  of  the  day.f  We 
find  therein  that  in  "the  loth  of  the  loth  Month  1682  Mariabella 
"  Fanenborow  (clearly  a  misprint  for  Farmborow)  paying  for  her  lodging 
"  the  day  above  recited,  demanded  a  free  Prison,  as  being  her  right ; 
"  whereupon  she  was  denyed  to  come  into  the  room  among  other 
"  Friends  and  going  into  the  place  called  the  Women's  Ward,  the 
"  Keeper  spake  to  Joan  Whitechurch  &  Mary  Morgan  two  condemned 
"  Fellons  To  25cat  l^cc  out  of  tl)c  ilooni  and  throtD  tiotun  Ijcr  23clJi6ftcaD 
"nnD  tDa.£^l^  Ijcr  out"  calling  her  opprobrious  names.  "  After  a  day  or 
"  two,  under  pretence  she  must  go  to  the  Toulsy,  had  her  forth  of  the 
"  prison  door  &  forced  her  to  Bridewell  with  two  Friends  more,  belching 

*    John  Howard,  b,   1726,  d.   1790.       E.  Fry,  b.   1780,  d.  1845. 

t  We  frequently  read  of  tlie  prisoners  being  dragged  about  by  their  hair  and  thrown  down  stairs — 
women  violently  kicked  and  the  like. 


8  ELIOT    PAPERS  1682 

"  out  some  of  tji^s  foam  at  u0  jsfaping  *  i$c  l^ab  a  great  manp  f  ooljff  to 
"toorh  foe  i^im  anD  tljcrcforc  l)C  tDOUlD  Ucinfe  i§ach.'  Also  advising 
"  the  keeper  of  Bridewell  to  keep  Friends  close  as  he  did  here,  &  then 
"  he  might  get  mony  as  he  did  :  telling  him  That  the  Quakers  yielded 
"  him  mony  when  he  came  &  shaked  his  purse."  The  expression  about 
fools  working  for  him  appears  to  have  been  a  taunt  at  the  submissive- 
ness  of  the  Quakers  in  paying  him  money.  The  same  matter  is  clearly 
alluded  to  in  Dorcas  Dole's  letter. 

Dorcas  Dole  was  a  prominent  Quakeress  of  Bristol  and  a  fellow 
prisoner  of  Mariabella  Farmborough.  It  is  evident  from  her  letter  that 
the  latter  was  released  first — (perhaps  on  account  of  her  being  a  stranger 
in  the  City)  and  was  using  her  influence  in  London  to  obtain  some 
mitigation  of  the  sufTerings  of  those  still  left  in  gaol. 

It  is  pleasant  to  know  that  Dorcas  Dole  lived  for  many  years  after- 
wards— for  on  the  28th  September,  1705,  we  find  in  Peter  Briggins' 
Diary  that  "  at  Bull  &  Mouth  Meeting  D.  Dole  sp''  concerning  y'  y<=  Ld. 
"  will  be  with  us  if  we  are  not  wanting  to  ourselves — he  will  not  be 
"  wanting  to  us." 

The  end  of  this  cruel  man  Dennis  was  very  sad.  In  1683  he  was 
taken  ill,  and  for  a  time  "  by  drinking  and  vain  company  endeavoured  to 
"get  ease  of  his  troubled  Conscience,  and  while  the  strength  of  the 
"  liquor  was  in  him  by  day  he  would  seem  as  if  nothing  were  amiss,  but 
"  at  night  he  was  in  a  Woeful  Agony  &  would  shake  &  tremble  &  sweat 
"  cold  sweats.     Then  would  he  desire  us  (his  prisoners)  to  ^rap  fot 

"  l^im  and  Wi?^  Ijc  Ijati  iicbcc  jsccn  tl)e  SnjS'it'f  of  tl)c  <iBaoI  saying  3lt 
"  tjati  unDonc  Ijini.  He  asked  several  of  us  to  jporgttc  Ijim  for  toljat  Ijc 
"  IjaJJ  Done :  to  which  we  answered  that  he  should  ask  forgiveness  of 
"  God  for  we  did  forgive  him  :  but  yet  still  his  anguish  and  Torment 
"  Increased :  so  that  it  was  feared  he  would  be  distracted,  but  then 
"  Doctors  were  sent  for  and.  Come,  caused  him  to  be  let  Blood,  but  he 

"told  them  ^0  ^(jp^ich  iuoulD  to  ^hti  4Booli,  {jijef  2Distntiper  being 
"  anotljet  tljing,  anb  tljat  no  a^an  could  bo  Ijim  aBoob,  tji^ef  SDap  toa^ 
"  OPter  anb  tfjerc  toaisi  no  l)opc  of  Sl^ercp  from  <Dob  for  Ijini,  and  seeing 

"  him  in  this  WofuU  Condition,  our  hearts  did  pity  him  and  desired,  if 
"  the  will  of  the  Lord  was  so  he  might  find  a  place  of  Repentance :  and 
"  some  of  us  had  Opportunity  to  speak  with  him  :  and  we  found  that  he 
"  had  his  Senses  and  Understanding  well,  and  we  used  such  Arguments 


l682  ELIOT  PAPERS  9 

"  as  in  our  Christian  tenderness  we  thought  best  to  perswade  him  out 
"of  his  Hardness  and  unbeHef:  one  of  us  said  to  him  We  hoped  his 
"  day  was  not  over  because  he  had  a  Sense  of  his  Condition  ;  to  which 
"  he  answered  '  ^j  tljiWH  pou  foc  poiir  gooD  Ijojjc,  but  Si  lia^f  "0  jfaitl) 
"  to  briictoC ',  and  further  said  *  fciii'^  10  tSlC  gift  Of  4Bt3Hi  \*  so  nothing 
"  would  enter  him  but  that  his  day  was  over  and  there  was  no  Mercy 
"  for  him,  and  in  this  Miserable  Estate  he  continued  without  any  altera- 
"  tion  as  we  understood  until  the  30th  of  the  9th  Month  1683  about  the 
"  4th  hour  of  the  morning  ended  his  Miserable  Life.  Witness  C. 
"  Harford,  C.  Jones,  J.  Curling,  Paul  Moon  "... 

"  This  is  not  made  Publick,  the  Lord  knows,  out  of  any  Revenge  to 
"  the  Persons  Concerned  but  as  a  warning  to  all  :  neither  is  it  of  any 
"  self  boasting,  as  though  by  our  own  ability  we  had  undergone  all  these 
"  Cruelties  inflicted  on  us,  but  to  him  that  Lives  for  evermore  do  we 
"ascribe  the  G lor}',  by  whose  Power  alone  we  have  been  supported: 
"and  if  through  this  Example  of  God's  Judgments  on  this  man  it  shall 
"  stop  any  from  their  Evil  Courses  we  have  our  End."  A  Postscript 
records  that  in  the  persecutions  under  Queen  Mary,  prisoners  in  Gaol 
had  liberty  to  pray,  preach  and  exhort  fellow-prisoners  and  such  as  came 
to  see  them,  whereas  the  Quakers  were  not  allowed  to  sit  together  in 
the  prison  to  worship  God,  nor  to  see  one  another  when  sick  and  near 
to  death  nor  to  work  to  get  their  bread  "  or  something  towards  (O 
"  Horrid  Cruelty)  nor  suffered  to  have  their  Victuals  brought  to  them  &.c 
"  &.C  "  (On  one  occasion  some  of  the  Quaker  prisoners  were  locked 
up  by  Dennis'  wife  on  the  roof  where  they  could  only  get  their  food  by 
drawing  it  up  with  a  line — "  otherwise  they  must  have  fasted.") 


*  The    introduction    of   bl.ick-letter    in   these  extracts  follows  the  prii 
Roman  type,  the  black-letter  being  introduced  for  emphatic  passages. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    PERSECUTION    OF    THE    QUAKERS 

MARIABELLA   FARMBOROUGH'S    PAPERS 


Our  next  paper  is  endorsed  in  Peter  Briggins"  handwriting  "  Papers  & 
"  Epistles  of  Mother  Marabel  Farmboroughs,"  and  although  not  dated, 
evidently  belongs  to  the  same  period.  It  is  too  long  to  be  copied  in 
full,  but  a  few  extracts  will  give  the  bearing  of  it. 

"  Wee  doe  intreat  y^  Justices  of  Peace,  not  to  take  any  wittness  on 
"  Informacon  from  Informers  against  us,  to  convict  us  untill  they  here 
"  us  together  face  to  face  and  we  doe  beheve  y'  will  ease  you  of  a  great 
"  dele  of  trouble  in  your  Courts  &  Sessions  for  you  se  many  of  the 
"  Informers  have  sworne  falsely  against  us  to  have  bin  att  a  meeting 
"  when  some  of  us  y"^  same  time  have  bin  in  the  Countrey  &  others  have 
"  not  bin  at  a  Meeting  y'  day  as  has  bin  proved  before  j'our  faces  in  open 
"  Court :  w<=''  if  we  &  our  Accusers  were  brought  face  to  face  before  a 
"Justice  of  peace  before  conviction  many  of  our  cases  would  then  end 
"  &  never  trouble  your  Courts  nor  us  neither  &  therefore  we  intreat 
"  you  to  read  these  Scriptures  as  follow  &  you  may  see  w'  y'=  Law  of 
"  God  &  y^  Roman  Laws  say  in  the  behalf  of  our  case." 

Reference  is  then  made  at  some  length  to  John  VII.  45-51.  Deut. 
XVII  5-8  and  XIX,  15-17.  Proverbs  IX,  5,7.  Kings  III,  16.  Exodus 
XXII,  9.  Leviticus  XXII,  22.  Matthew  XXVI,  59-61.  Luke  XXIII, 
1-26.  Acts  XXII,  30,  and  XXIII,  1-24.  Acts  XXIII,  35.  Acts 
XXIV.  Acts  XXV  (passim).  Acts  VI,  7,  &.C.,  and  the  appeal  closes 
as  follows  : — 


12  ELIOT   PAPERS  1682 

"  &  therefore  we  doe  intreat  you  to  consider  us  in  these  things  and  let 
"  not  convictions  be  made  upon  us  behind  our  backs  by  such  as  we 
"  know  not  what  they  be  nor  who  they  are  but  let  their  convictions  be 
"  face  to  face  that  we  may  be  heard  before  we  are  convicted  according 
"  to  y'=  Law  of  God  and  y*^  Roman  Law  which  is  but  reason  &  tis 
"  commonly  said  that  the  Laws  of  y'=  Land  were  grounded  upon  y^  Law 
"  of  God's  Scriptures  &  Reason.  But  we  doe  think  it  very  hard  that 
"  severall  Justices  of  y'^  peace  should  make  so  many  convictions  behind 
"  our  backs — without  heareing  us  &  our  accusers  and  witnesses  face  to 
"  face  w''  if  they  did  heare  us  face  to  face  we  doe  beheve  it  would  ease 
"y^  Sessions  of  a  great  deale  of  trouble  And  prevent  very  many  false 
"  swearers  against  us  as  hath  bin  proved  in  the  Court  w'=''  hath  put  us  to 
"  a  great  deal  of  trouble  &  charges  in  the  tryall  of  our  Appeals  and  when 
"  they  have  been  Cast  &  proved  forsworne  we  have  had  noe  remedy 
"  against  them  as  yet  but  they  goe  on  still,  which  if  we  were  but  heard 
"  before  Conviction  might  prevent  many  false  oaths  &  the  trouble  at 
"  your  Sessions  &  a  great  deal  of  charges  we  are  put  unto.  So  we  shall 
"  leave  these  things  to  your  weighty  consideration  &  desire  that  the 
"  Lord  may  give  you  wisdome  &  understanding  to  Judge  of  our  suffering 
"  case 

"  From  y^  people  called  Quakers  " 

It  is  difficult  in  the  present  day  to  conceive  a  condition  of  EngHsh 
law  under  which  such  proceedings  could  take  place,  as  are  here  objected 
to.  But  in  spite  of  the  Great  Charter  and  in  spite  of  the  then  recent 
Statute  of  Habeas  Corpus  (passed  in  1679)  which  reaffirmed  the  prin- 
ciple that  no  Subject  could  be  kept  in  prison  without  trial,  it  is  evident 
that  when  this  Protest  was  drawn  up,  the  whole  system  of  trial  and 
imprisonment  was  in  a  very  ill-defined  condition  and  left  a  wide  door 
open  for  grievous  injustice. 

In  a  Petition  to  the  King  and  Parliament  about  1685*  we  find  a  Hst 
of  the  Statutes  under  which  the  Quakers  were  then  chiefly  suffering. 
One  of  them  dates  back  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII,  five  to  that  of 
Elizabeth,  one  to  the  time  of  James  I,  and  three  to  that  of  Charles  II. 

*  Besse's  "Sufferings,"  Vol.  I.,  xl.  xli.  The  subject  of  the  various  Laws  under  which  the  Quakers 
were  persecuted  will  be  found  fully  treated  in  an  Article  in  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica  on  "  Quakers,"  by 
the  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Edward  Fry. 


l682  ELIOT    PAPERS  I3 

The  period  of  persecution  lasted  not  quite  40  years,  beginning  in 
1649,  when  George  Fox  was  imprisoned  at  Nottingham,  or  in  1650, 
when  his  followers  were  first  called  (in  scorn)  Quakers,  till  the  first 
year  of  WiUiam  and  Mary,  when  the  penal  laws  were  so  modified  that 
Hberty  of  worship  was  practically  secured  to  them. 

The  earher  persecutions  were  chiefly  under  Acts  directed  against  the 
Papists,  and  especially  those  which  required  that  Oaths  of  Allegiance,  &c. 
should  beadministered  toall  suspected  persons.  The  Quakers  were  always 
perfectly  loyal  and  inoff"ensive  citizens,  but  their  consciences  prevented 
their  taking  an  Oath  of  any  kind,  hence  they  came  under  the  penalties 
intended  for  those  who  were  plotting  against  the  King  and  Constitution. 
Afterwards  Acts  were  passed  specially  directed  against  their  practices, 
both  in  the  matter  of  refusing  Judicial  Oaths  and  assembling  in  Con- 
venticles. The  earlier  Conventicle  Act  includes  the  penalty  of  Trans- 
portation to  His  Majesty's  foreign  plantations  for  persistent  offenders. 

Cromwell  professed  to  establish  liberty  of  conscience,  but  the  Quakers 
were  little  better  offi  as  they  were  punished  for  Sabbath  breaking  because 
they  went  some  distance  to  their  Meetings,  and  were  accused  of  break- 
ing the  Peace  by  preaching — they  were  even  publicly  whipped  as 
vagrants  by  the  orders  of  some  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace. 

In  Charles  the  Second's  time  fresh  Acts  were  passed  against  them, 
but,  as  these  had  no  effect,  that  Monarch  in  1670  issued  a  Declaration 
suspending  all  these  penal  Acts,  and  for  a  time  there  was  a  lull  in  the 
storm.  But  the  persecuting  spirit  got  the  upper  hand  again,  and  in 
1673  he  withdrew  this  Declaration,  and  the  miserable  trade  of  the 
"  Informer  "  revived  with  full  vigour. 

We  learn  from  the  Petition  already  referred  to  that  the  most  serious 
sufferings  at  that  time  were  from  imprisonments  under  Writs  "  de  Excom- 
"  municato  Capiendo  "  and  Judgments  of  Praemunire,  both  of  which  pro- 
cesses of  law  were  far  older  than  the  Reformation,  and  the  latter  was 
originally  specially  directed  to  suppress  popish  intrigues  against  the  Royal 
power, — dating  back  to  the  days  of  Richard  II  or  earlier — a  relic  of  the 
struggle  for  liberty  from  the  dictation  of  Rome  which  was  waged  for 
centuries  before  the  final  rupture.  Besides  these  we  read  of  "  Fines 
said  to  be  due  to  the  King " ;  and  if  we  wish  to  realize  the  injustice 
which  could  be  habitually  inflicted  even  in  our  own  days  under  this 


14  ELIOT    PAPERS  1682 

head  we  may  remember  the  state  of  things  which   Dickens  exposed  in 
"  Little  Dorritt." 

It  is  curious  to  recall  that  the  Conventicle  Act,  in  the  form  modified 
b}^  I  William  and  Mary  continued  in  force  until  the  present  century.  I 
remember  hearing  mv  Father  say  that  after  his  marriage  (1823)  he  and 
his  neighbours  had  to  exercise  great  care  in  the  meetings  of  the  local 
"  Book  Society  '"*  to  avoid  contravening  the  law  bv  meeting  with  closed 
doors. 


*  The  mention  of  the  "  Book  Society  "  recalls  the  useful  Institution  which  formerly  flourished  in  every 
Town  or  large  Village  until  "  iMudie's  Library  "  superseded  it.  All  the  interesting  books  of  the  day  were 
purchased  by  subscription  and  then  circulated  among  the  .Members. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

THE   PERSECUTION    OF  THE   aUAKERS 

THE   BRIGGINS   FAMILY 


On  the  29th  of  October,  1689,  Mariabella,  only  daughter  of  Thomas 
and  Mariabella  Farmborough,  was  married,  at  the  Bull  and  Mouth  Meet- 
ing, to  Peter  Briggins  of  Bartholomew  Close. 

We  must  therefore  now  take  up  the  story  of  the  Briggins  family,  for 
which  there  are  abundant  materials,  in  Diaries  and  Memoranda,  and, 
especially,  in  family  Bibles.  The  Briggins  flimily  were  distinguished 
for  their  beautifully  clear  old  fashioned  handwriting  and  for  their  ex- 
cellent habit  of  keeping  copious  records  of  all  important  family  events. 

A  pedigree,  to  be  found  in  the  usual  place,  between  the  Apocrypha 
and  the  New  Testament,  traces  their  descent  from  William  Briggins, 
of  Hanslop,  in  Buckinghamshire,  who  was  born  about  1600  and  died 
about  1670.  I  should  recommend  the  reader  to  refer  to  the  tabular 
form  in  which  the  family  is  given  in  the  Appendix,  Table  2,  page  116. 

Having  this  table  before  us  to  keep  clear  the  identity  of  the  various 
Williams  and  Peters,  we  may  try  to  trace  the  history  of  some  of  their 
lives.     It  is  a  pleasant  study — of  pious  lives  and  holy  deaths. 

And  first  we  must  turn  to  the  large  family  Bible  of  Peter  and 
Mariabella  Briggins,  in  which  we  find  lengthy  accounts  of  William 
Briggins  II,  his  wife  Susanna  and  their  son  Joseph,  from  which  we 
extract  the  following : — 

"  My  Father  William  Briggins  married  my  Mother  Susanna  in  Y  year 
"  1656  and  had  liy  hir  4  sonns  &  a  daughter.     (She  died  1668)     My  s'' 


:6  ELIOT   PAPERS  1660 

'  Father  about  y*^  year  1670  married  an  ainchant  woman  near  60  years 
'  of  age.  He  as  also  my  own  Mother  used  to  goe  to  Disenting  Meet- 
'  ings  &  about  y'  time  was  Laws  made  to  prosecute  those  y'  frequented 
'  Rehgious  Meetings  &  y"^  Informers  coming  y^  person  y*  preacht  sHpt 
''  away  by  a  private  door  &  my  father  made  his  escape  as  others  did  but 
''  he  thought  at  that  time  to  goe  to  y^  Quakers  Meeting  at  Gracious 
'  Street  &  see  how  it  faired  with  them  &  he  got  under  y'=  womens 
'  gallery  in  a  corner  that  he  might  not  be  seen.  At  that  time  William 
'  Baily  was  a  declaring  &.  after  a  little  time  came  the  Mob  &  Informer 
'  with  a  band  of  Soulders  he  expected  the  preacher  would  have  made 
'his  escape  but  to  his  surprize  they  rushed  into  the  Meeting  and 
'  William  stood  still  preaching  untill  they  hawled  him  away  he  also 
'  spoake  as  they  had  him  away  And  when  he  was  gone  an  Other  friend 
'  stood  up  and  declared  also     They  took  him  away  &c.     And  at  that 

■  time  he  was  convinced  that  this  was  y^  Truth  and  that  they  knew  y' 
'  That  was  worth  sufering  for  which  boare  them  up  above  &  over  there 
'sufferings.  And  between  y'  time  &  the  year  1685  he  met  with  grate 
'  Tryalls  &  Sufferings  for  his  Peaceable  going  to  Meetings  to  waite  on 
'  the  Lord  and  was  twise  committed  Prisoner  to  Wood  Street  Counter 
'  &  removed  from  thence  to  Nugate  where  in  such  place  he  continued 
'  in  the  former  weeks  and  in  the  latter  many  months  besides  he  had  his 
'  goods  taken  away  on  account  of  an  unknown  Preacher  &  sufferings 

■  might  have  continued  much  longer  but  y*  King  Charles  Dyeing  King 
■James  came  to  the  Crown  he  put  out  a  Proclemation  of  Pardon  &  the 
'  Prison  doors  was  opened  &  he  with  many  others  were  discharged 

■  (Though  it  was  thought  King  James  was  underneath  the  chief  Auther 
•  Qf  ye  gd  Persecution)     In  those  days  of  Tryall  it  was  so  ordered  that 

■  y^  Citty  Trained  band  Soulders  were  apointed  to  goe  out  in  Armes 
'every  7th  Day  in  y^  Afternoon  &  take  possession  of  all  Meeting 
'  Houses.  We  met  in  y^  Street  near  our  meeting  doors  and  when 
'  Friends  opened  their  mouths  by  way  of  Testimony  they  would  hawle 
'  them  into  y'=  Meeting  or  into  y^  Exchange  where  a  guard  was  kept  and 

■  at  noon  or  evening  they  were  usually  had  before  a  Magistrate  who 
'  commonly  fined  them  or  sent  them  to  prison.     My  Father  and  I  was 

■  taken  away  out  of  the  hither  Court  next  Lumber  Street  (Lombard 
'  Street)  with  severall  other  friends  &  had  before  S''  John  Peake  who 

■  committed  my  Father  to  prison  but  I  being  young  (tho'  tall  of  my  age) 


l688  ELIOT    PAPERS  I7 

"after  detaining  me  severall  hours  they  let  me  goe  home.  But  by 
"  reason  of  my  Father's  much  and  close  confinement  in  Nugate  &c  he 
"  was  much  Impared  in  his  health,  he  grew  weakly  till  the  time  he 
"sickened  as  follows — on  the  23rd  of  5  mo.  1688." 

Then  follows  the  account  of  how  he  was  taken  ill — "  next  morning  we 
"  sent  for  a  Doctor  and  Apothecary  and  they  thought  good  (he  having 
"a  desire  to  be  bleeded)  to  let  him  blood  in  y'^  Arme  &.  I  reckon  they 
"  tooke  away  about  16  oz.  of  blood  which  was  looked  upon  to  be  pritty 
"  good."  After  which  operation  he,  not  unnaturally,  was  "  very  faint  and 
"  extreme  sick  and  frequently  had  those  cold  clammy  sweats  yet  still  the 
"  Lord  preserved  him  thro'  his  greate  goodness  in  his  right  senses  but 
"  though  his  pains  were  very  great  yet  his  eye  was  to  y"^  Lord  &  often 
"  would  say  y*  y^  Lord  had  been  good  to  him  from  his  youth  up  unto 
"  that  day  and  praised  y"^  Lord  y'  he  had  bin  pleased  to  reveal  y^  know- 
"  ledge  of  his  Son  y^  Lord  Jesus  Christ  unto  him  " — followed  by  much 
good  advice  to  his  sons  to  avoid  covetousness  and  "  to  keep  above  & 
"out  of  y'=  many  Incumberances  of  this  world,  to  mind  the  poore  & 
"  needy  who  hath  none  to  help  them  but  the  Lord  &  that  we  minister  of 
"  an  abundance  the  Lord  mav  have  made  us  stewards  of  to  help  them 
"in  their  necessities."  To  be  contented  in  all  circumstances  "as  he 
"  said  he  had  been  many  a  time  in  Prison  &  out  of  Prison,  in  sickness 
"  &.  in  health  " — and  the  like,  with  many  beautiful  expressions  of  faith 
and  hope.  And  at  last  "  on  the  27th  of  5  mo.  1688  he  lying  very  still 
"  departed  this  Hfe  &  layed  down  his  head  in  a  great  deal  of  peace  & 
"  comfort  and  an  assurance  of  his  eternal  well-being  for  ever." 

And  so  this  pious  and  patient  soul  passed  away  less  than  five  months 
before  England,  with  a  stupendous  sigh  of  relief,  bade  a  long  farewell  to 
the  Stuarts :  and  the  days  of  actual  persecution  were,  for  the  Quakers, 
past  for  ever — but  it  was  in  these  days  of  persecution  that  the  Society 
was  the  most  numerous  and  the  most  flourishing.  In  the  account  given 
above  of  William  Briggins'  reasons  for  joining  the  Society  in  peference 
to  other  Dissenting  bodies,  we  get  a  ghmpse  of  the  causes  which  drew 
earnest  men  to  a  sect  the  members  of  which  never  flinched  from  suffer- 
ing on  account  of  its  principles. 

In  Besse's  "  Sufferings  of  the  Quakers,"  Vol.  I,  page  465,  will  be 
found  a  detailed  account  of  the  trial  of  William   Briggins  with  fifteen 


l8  ELIOT   PAPERS  1688 

Others  for  being  "at  White  Hart  Court  in  Lombard  St.  with  force  and 
"  arms  routously,  tumultuously  and  unlawfully  assembled  to  the  Breach 
"  of  the  Peace  &c  and  under  colour  and  pretence  of  religious  exercise 
"in  other  manner  than  according  to  the  Liturgy  &.  Practice  of  the 
"  Church  of  England." 

It  is  well  worth  reading  as  a  most  extraordinary  travesty  of  justice — 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  pattern  set  by  Jeffreys,  then  in  the  height 
of  his  power.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  all  the  charges  of  "  force 
"of  arms,"  ''rout"  and  the  hke  entirely  fell  through,  in  fact  they  were 
not  supported  by  a  tittle  of  evidence — all  the  witnesses  could  say  was 
that  "  they  found  them  assembled,  and  they  neither  said  nor  did  any- 
"  thing."  Of  course  they  were  convicted  and  imprisoned — in  those 
evil  daj's  the  question  of  evidence  was  a  detail  far  too  small  to  be  con- 
sidered. 

("  Routously  "  must  not  be  confused  with  "  riotously."  A  "  Rout "  is 
a  separate  offence  meaning  an  assembly  which  might  become  "  riotous," 
see  Steven's  Commentaries  Book  VI  Chap.  x.  Sec.  v.) 

On  a  torn  scrap  of  paper  I  find  the  following  record  of  the  sort  of 
petty  persecution  short  of  imprisonment  to  which  the  Quakers  were 
subjected.  I  suppose  it  was  the  receipt  given  by  the  Constable  on 
making  the  distraint. 

"  Strayned  (distrained)  from  Wm.  Brigins  Tobacconest  in  Bartholo- 
"  mew  Close  London  on  y'=  7th  day  of  July  1683:  3  firkins  of  hony 
"  Contayning  Nett  2. 1. 25  at  42s  p.  cwt.  compto  5.3. lo  by  a  Warrent 
"  granted  from  James  Edwards  &:  Henry  Tults :  Justices  for  being  at  a 
"  Metting  at  Gracious  Stt.  on  y^  1st  instant.  Jo.  Jess  Constable  George 
"  Yard  &  Jos.  Morison  Informer  Lumber  Street." 

"  Richard  Child , 
"  Mary  Crew      ' 

I  possess  a  small  8vo.  volume  of  about  320  pages  with  the  title 
"William  Briggins.  His  Book  Feb.  28.  167 1 "  which  would  be  of  in- 
terest to  careful  students  of  the  Quakerism  of  the  period  of  the  perse- 
cution, for  W.  B.  has  carefully  copied  therein,  in  exquisite  handwriting, 
a  large  collection  of  discourses  and  (apparently)  pamphlets  setting  forth 
the  views  of  the  Friends  on  various  religious  questions. 


Witnesses. 


l688  ELIOT    PAPERS  I9 

The  titles  of  some  of  them  are  as  follows  : — 

Concerning  Election  and  Reprobation. 

The  travile  of  the  Bowels  of  Sion. 

The  Root  of  Poppery  struck  at. 

Some  Questions  to  y'=  Prophessors. 

Some  Queries  to  y<=  Professors  to  provock  y™. 

Ye  Epistle  of  Agbarus  to  our  Savior. 

Ye  Epistle  of  Christ  to  Agbarus. 

Also  som  thing  added  in  y^  syrian  tongue. 

Several  Scriptures  corrupted  by  y'^  Tr.  (translators) 

Ye  Difference  betwixt  y''  old  &  new  translation. 

Some  Queries  for  y^  Prophessors  y'  stumble. 

Concerning  false  Prophets  &  Antichrist. 

Concerning  Original  Sin. 

Seven  Thunders. 

A  Word  from  y'^  Lord  to  y<=  Priests  of  England  in  generall  y'  teach 
for  hire. 

It  is  rather  curious  to  notice  that  the  "  Authorized  Version  "  which 
we  regard  with  so  much  admiration,  was  far  from  giving  entire  satis- 
faction when  it  came  out,  and  William  Briggins  cites  numerous  passages 
in  which  he  prefers  the  older  translation,  placing  the  two  side  by  side. 


CHAPTER    V. 
TWO   LETTERS   FROM   GEORGE   FOX 


It  is  probably  through  this  faithful  Confessor  that  we  have  handed 
down  to  us  two  letters  of  George  Fox  himself,  the  Founder  of  the 
Quakers,  which  do  not  appear  in  his  published  epistles  and  are  worth 
reproducing  in  full.  The  J.S.  and  J.W.  against  whom  this  rather 
mystical  effusion  is  directed  appear  to  have  been  John  Story  and 
John  Wilkinson,  who  gave  great  trouble  to  the  early  Quakers  by 
refusing  to  conform  to  the  good  order  of   the  Society. 

"  Dear  friends  &  Brethren 

As  I  was  at  prayer  in  my  chamber  upon  y^  23"^  of  y«  12  mo. 
"  78.  And  making  Intercession  to  y^  Lord  for  friends  his  people  y'  y'= 
"  Lord  would  be  pleased  to  preserve  y™  from  this  rough  &  foul  Spirit  y* 
"  was  risen  up,  y'=  Lord  did  answer  me  in  my  prayer,  y'  this  Spirit  was 
"  risen  up  for  y^  tryall  of  his  tender  People  in  y'=  light  &  hfe  &  power  &. 
"grace  &  truth.  &  I  saw  more  y"  can  be  expressed  in  words,  for  it  was 
"  risen  to  try  y™  and  y«  they  might  keep  in  y^  power  of  y<=  Lord  and  in 
"their  habitations,  and  so  when  y'=  Lord  hath  tryed  his  people  &  their 
"  singleness  to  him  and  when  this  spirit  hath  spent  its  strength  and  gone 
"  y'=  way  of  all  y'  hath  rissen  before  it  there  they  may  se  how  all  things 
"  worke  together  for  good  to  y"  y'  love  god.  &  therefore  stand  fast  in  y'= 
"  liberty  wherewith  X'  hath  made  you  free  in  his  light,  grace  &  truth  & 
"  power  &  spirit  &  faith  to  X'.  from  whence  it  comes :  Christ  your  rock 
"  and  foundation  y'  cannot  be  shaken  &  in  Whom  is  your  Election  & 
"  life  &  salvation  for  that  all  may  stand  to  X'  their  Lord  &  master  to  be 
"  order'd  by  him  with  his  Glorious  Gospel  which  is  not  of  man  or  by 


22  ELIOT   PAPERS  1678 

"  man  but  from  heaven.  For  I  saw  all  friends  sit  as  if  they  were 
"  bedewed  from  heaven  and  they  sate  as  in  a  valley  &  wet  with  y*=  due  of 
"  Life  and  y'=  other  hard  and  sealed  spirit  was  floting  on  top  of  y^  words 
"  of  truth  w^**  sp'  is  for  y'=  tryall  of  gods  people  of  their  standing  single 
"  in  y^  life  to  god  upon  their  own  foundation.  And  so  as  I  was  at 
"  prayer  y^  Lord  answered  me  y'  this  spirit  of  J.S.  and  J.W.  and  their 
"  company  was  raised  up  for  y^  tryall  of  friends  theyr  standing  to  god 
"  for  it  was  high  and  friends  was  low  in  y^  power  &  spirit  of  god  &  wet 
"  with  his  due  &  sat  in  y^  vaUies  &  will  rise  when  their  high  will  fall. 
"  And  therefore  friends  are  to  stand  to  god 

G.ff. 

"  My  dear  friends 

Who  suflFer  for  y^  Lord  Jesus'  sake  and  for  y'=  testimony  of 
"  his  truth  y<^  Lord  God  AUmighty  uphold  you  with  his  power  and  sup- 
"  port  you  in  all  yo''  tryalls  and  sufferings  and  give  you  patience  and 
"  content  in  his  will  y'  you  may  stand  valiant  for  X'  &  his  (word  torn 
"  out  at  edge  of  paper)  upon  y^  earth  over  y^  psecuting  &  destroying 
"  spirit  w'^''  makes  too  suffer  in  Christ  w'=''  bruseth  his  head  in  whom 
"you  have  both  election  and  Salvation.  And  for  gods  Elect  y^  Lord 
"  hath  done  much  as  may  be  seen  throughout  y^  scriptures  of  truth  and 
"  they  that  touches  y"  touches  y"^  apple  of  gods  eye  they  are  so  tender 
"  to  him  therefore  tis  good  for  all  gods  suffering  children  to  trust  in  y^ 
"  Lord  and  to  wait  upon  him  for  they  shall  be  as  mount  Zion  y'  cannot 
"  be  removed  from  X'  their  rock  and  salvation  w<^''  is  all  y^  elect  of  gods 
"  foundation  of  Prophets  &  Apostles  &  gods  people  now  and  to  y^  end 
"  glory  to  y^  Lord  &  to  y*=  Lamb  over  all. 

"  So  remember  my  dear  love  to  all  friends  y*  way  &  y™  y'  come  to 
"  visit  you  &  do  not  think  y^  tyme  long  for  All  tyme  is  in  y'=  fathers 
"  hand,  his  power.  And  therefore  keep  y'  word  of  Patience  &  exercise 
"y*^  gift  &  y''  Lord  strengthen  you  in  your  sufferings  in  his  holy  spirit 
"of  truth     Amen. 

o 

"  Swarthmoor  y^  5th    /    ,  _„ 
of  y'^  first  mo.  (      ' 

The  two  letters  are  both  on  one  sheet,  and  appear  to  be  rather  a  letter 
and  a  postscript.  The  signature  (initials)  is  attached  to  the  first  and  the 
date  at  the  end  of  the  second. 


CHAPTER    VI. 
MORE   ABOUT  THE   BRIGGINS   FAMILY 


Of  Susanna  Briggins,  the  wife  of  this  WiUiam  Briggins  II,  \vc  read  as 
follows,  in  the  family  Bible : — 

"  My  Mother  Susanna  Briggins  was  a  vertious  and  well-inchned 
"woman  one  y'  feared  God  and  had  y'  Reput.  And  at  any  time  when 
"  Troubles  or  Exercises  hapened  on  any  Hand  she  would  use  to  say.  If 
"  sorrows  came  overnight  Joy  would  come  in  the  morning,  and  was  very 
"  Devout  and  Religious  in  her  way.  She  as  well  as  my  Father  went 
"into  Desenting  Meetings  and  often  used  that  saying  of  the  Apostle,  if 
"y'^  Righteous  scarsely  be  saved  where  shall  the  wicked  and  ungodly 
"  apear,  and  used  often  to  say  how  circumspect  all  ought  to  be  in  there 
"lives  &  conversations.  And  was  by  hir  sober  Life  &  Conversation 
"  generally  beloved  by  all,  and  severall  wroate  some  lines  in  verse  con- 
"  cerning  her  to  keep  up  her  memory  after  her  Decease,  as  follows." 

Here  follows  an  acrostic  on  the  name  "  Susanna  Wife  of  WiUiam 
"  Briggins  "  beginning 

"  Sigh!  sorrows  tears  in  vaine  we  here  do  spend 
"  Upon  our  happy  now  deceased  friend. 
"  She  dyed  to  sin  by  which  ye  crown  she  won, 
"  And  now  by  death  a  new  Hfe  hath  begun." 
&c.  &c.  &c. 

"  She  was  buried  at  y<=  South  west  corner  of  Islington   Steeple  house 
"yard."     She  died  on  the  5th  Feb.  1668.     Aged  40  years. 

Next  follows  a  very  remarkable  account  of  the  last  hours  of  Joseph 
Briggins,  son  of  William  and  Susanna,  who  died  at  between  eleven  and 
twelve  years  of  age  in    1675.     He  had  always  been  a  dutiful  and  well 


24  ELIOT    PAPERS  1702 

behaved  child,  and  had  been  accustomed  to  attend  the  Meetings  of  the 
Quakers,  submitting  to  be  laughed  at  by  other  boys  for  so  doing. 
When  near  his  end  he  fell  into  a  sort  of  ecstacy  in  which  he  gave 
utterance  to  many  beautiful  thoughts,  sometimes  in  verse  and  sometimes 
in  eloquent  prose.  There  is  no  wonder  that  his  family  were  much  im- 
pressed, and  regarded  it  as  something  httle  short  of  inspiration.  An 
account  of  this  scene  is  given  in  the  old  book  called  "  Piety  Promoted,"* 
which  was  an  obituary  record  of  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends — 
published  from  time  to  time ;  but  the  original  in  the  family  Bible  is 
much  fuller. 

We  now  come  to  Peter  Briggins  II  who  married  Mariabella  Farm- 
borough.  The  record  of  the  birth  of  their  children  was  kept,  not  in  the 
large  family  Bible  already  mentioned,  but  in  a  l2mo.  rubricated  copy 
dated  1680,  the  binding  of  which  is  a  remarkably  beautiful  specimen  of 
xvii  century  work,  and  as  such  was  selected  for  illustration  in  Miss 
Prideaux'  recent  work  on  bookbinding. 

It  belonged  originally  to  WiUiam  Briggins  III,  and  on  his  death  in 
1702  was  given  to  his  sister-in-law  Mariabella.  The  front  page  bears 
the  following  inscription  : — 

"This  Bible  was  given  to  Marabela  Briggins  in  y^  year  1702."  "and  in 
"  respect  to  him  that  was  y"  owner  thereof  I  Bistowed  Silver  Clasps 
"  hereon." 

On  the  third  (blank)  page  we  read — 

"  This  Bible  was  my  Brother  Wm.  Briggins'  who  was  borne  y^  22nd 
"  Sep  1657  he  dyed  y^  17  Sep  1702  of  a  feavour  he  finding  himself  not 
"  very  well  went  to  Epsome  for  y^  air  and  was  over  perswaded  to  drink 
"ye  Watters  which  chiled  him  &  brought  an  agueish  &  feavourish 
"  Distemp''  on  him." 

Then  follow  the  entries  of  the  birth  of  their  daughters  Mercy, 
Susanna,  Hannahbella,  Gulielma  and  Mariabella  Farmborough.  The 
exact  time  of  each  birth  is  recorded — as  was  usual  in  those  days,  and  it 
seems  an  interesting  question  whether  this  practice  was  a  survival  of 
the  idea  of  the  importance  of  accuracy  in  this  detail  for  the  purpose  of 
"  casting  the  horoscope." 

The  word  "  daughter  "  is  generally  spelt  "  dafter  "  in  this  and  other 
Briggins  papers.  I  am  informed  that  this  contraction  is  met  with  in 
old  Parish  Registers. 

*  Piety  Promoted  (2nd  Edition)  Vol.  I,  page  72,  &c. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

A  LONDON    MERCHANT  OF  Q.UEEN  ANNE'S  TIME 

PETER   BRIGGINS 


We  now  enter  a  more  peaceful  and  cheerful  atmosphere.  We  find 
Peter  Briggins  living  happily  with  his  wife  Mariabella  (nee  Farmborough) 
and  his  little  daughters  in  their  house  at  Bartholomew  Close — probably 
the  same  as  that  in  which  his  father  lived  before  him.'  The  family  had 
evidently  prospered  in  spite  of  fines  and  imprisonments.  They  owned 
several  houses  in  the  Close,  a  house  in  Threadneedle  Street,  house  pro- 
perty at  Mile  End,  at  Southwark,  and  probably  elsewhere — with  invest- 
ments in  Stocks  :  and  Peter  Briggins  was  evidently  on  the  look  out  for 
any  good  investment  in  ground  rents.  We  have  seen  by  the  notice  of 
distraint  that  William  Briggins,  the  father,  was  described  as  a  Tobac- 
conist— by  which  I  do  not  understand  that  he  kept  a  shop  and  stood 
behind  the  Counter  deahng  out  ounces  of  tobacco  and  clay  pipes,  but 
that  he  was  a  wholesale  dealer  in  that  useful  article,  together  with 
various  other  things.  The  goods  distrained  on  were  certain  firkins  of 
honey,  and  in  Peter  Briggins'  time  the  business  seems  to  have  been  to  a 
great  extent  in  honey,  which  at  that  period  was  an  article  of  much 
greater  moment  in  trade  than  it  is  now,  being  largely  used  in  medicine, 
and  not  yet  entirely  displaced  from  its  leading  position  in  cookery  by 

The  gardens  of  these  houses  appe.ir  to  luivc  been  on  the  site  of  the  Mulberry  G,-irden  of  the  Priory — 
some  of  tlie  trees  existed  almost  within  living  memory.  P.B.'s  house  was  probably  built  at  the  end  of  the 
Monk's  dormitorv. 


26  ELIOT    PAPERS  I703 

sugar,  which  was  not  imported  in  very  large  quantities.*  It  will  be 
remembered  that  in  the  old  Saxon  days  honey  was  of  such  importance 
in  the  domestic  economy  that  it  formed  almost  invariably  a  portion  of 
the  rents  or  dues  that  had  to  be  paid  to  the  overlord.  Peter  Briggins 
also  carried  on  a  business  in  hops,  and  the  prospects  of  the  hop  market 
are  often  noted  in  his  diary.  Cochineal  is  mentioned,  and  probably  he 
speculated  in  a  quiet  way  in  various  colonial  and  foreign  products. 

The  troublous  times  of  the  xvii  century  had  been  followed  by  the 
prosperous  da3's  of  Good  Queen  Anne  before  the  extant  Diary  begins, 
but  many  of  the  well-known  names  of  the  earher  period  overlap  the  life- 
time of  Peter  Briggins. 

Samuel  Pepys,  the  prince  of  Diarists,  had  lived  till  1703,  although  his 
diary  ceases  in  1 670  owing  to  the  partial  failure  of  his  eyesight.  John 
Evelyn,  whose  diary  is  less  amusing  but  scarcely  less  important  than 
that  of  Pepys,  hved  till  1706,  and  the  latter  part  of  his  Diary  runs 
parallel  with  that  of  Peter  Briggins.  Izaak  Walton  had  died  when  our 
Diarist  was  17  years  old.  William  Penn  was  still  a  prominent  figure 
among  the  Quakers,  and  we  meet  him  face  to  face,  so  to  speak,  in  the 
Diary,  as  also  various  heroes  and  heroines  of  the  40  years  of  persecution. 

In  opening  the  Journals  of  one  who,  as  a  Diarist,  was  contemporary 
with  Pepys  and  Evelyn,  and  as  an  Angler  was  already  shouldering  his 
rod  before  Izaak  Walton  passed  away,  we  naturally  look  for  a  treat. 
But  Peter  Briggins  was  neither  "  mighty  curious "  like  Pepys,  nor  of 
encyclopedic  knowledge  and  lofty  acquaintance  like  Evelyn — and,  as  an 
Angler,  he  was  content  to  catch  minnows  and  ground-roach  in  the  New 
River :  so  we  also  have  to  be  content  with  such  minnows  as  we  can 
extract  from  the  peaceful  stream  of  the  record  of  a  good  man's  quiet  Hfe 
as  it  was  led  by  a  prosperous  merchant  and  an  exemplary  Quaker.  The 
surface  of  the  stream  is  occasionally  stirred  by  a  ripple  from  the  great 
outer  world,  but  mostly  it  flows  through  a  very  narrow  channel. 

*  If  anyone  wishes  to  find  the  whole  question  of  the  former  use  of  honey  treated  in  a  characteristic 
German  manner — exhaustive  alike  to  the  subject  and  to  the  reader,  they  may  turn  to  the  early  chapters  of 
von  Lippmann's  "  Geschichte  dcs  Zuckers,"  Leipzig  1890.  The  quantities  of  honey  bought  by  Peter  Briggins 
appear  very  large  to  our  modern  ideas.  It  is  difficult  to  find  exact  data  on  which  to  compare  the  consump- 
tion of  sugar  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  Century  with  that  which  exists  at  present.  The  trade  was  com- 
paratively small,  and  there  was  a  very  heavy  import  duty.  From  the  materials  I  have  been  able  to  collect  I 
should  judge  that  the  consumption  per  head  of  the  population  was  about  one-sixth  of  what  it  is  now,  or  say 
10  lbs.  in  the  year  as  compared  with  62  lbs. 


1703  ELIOT   PAPERS  27 

Three  volumes  of  the  Diary  remain  to  us.  They  are  such  incon- 
spicuous brown  books,  of  small  8vo.  size,  that  it  is  not  wonderful  that  one 
or  more  intermediate  ones  and  possibly  some  subsequent  volumes  have 
been  lost  in  the  three  or  four  house  movings  to  which  they  have  been 
subjected  in  the  course  of  180  years. 

The  first  volume  begins 

"  An  Acco'  of  y<=  Weather  from  y«  25  :  7  mo.  1703  as  follows"  (It 
will  be  remembered  that  "  seventh  month  "  was  September  in  the  Old 
Style.)  Each  page  is  devoted  to  a  week.  They  are  strictly  journals  of 
fact,  having  been  begun  apparently  with  the  primary  intention  of  keeping 
a  record  of  the  weather,  but  extending  to  Memoranda  of  daily  doings 
and  matters  of  business.  It  is  therefore  useless  to  look  for  any  expres- 
sion of  opinion  or  feeling  in  them.  Even  the  accounts  of  sermons  are 
mostly  dry  abstracts  of  dry  and  probably  often  vague  discourses,  con- 
taining much  more  of  Law  than  of  Gospel.  We  shall  see,  however,  as 
we  proceed,  that  the  entries  throw  much  light  on  the  daily  life  of  London 
and  on  the  pohtics  of  the  day,  and  bring  out  many  facts  as  to  the  changes 
that  have  taken  place  in  the  neighbourhood  since  the  beginning  of  the 
last  century,  and  they  indicate,  quite  unconsciously  on  the  writer's  part, 
what  a  loveable  and  "serviceable"  man  Peter  Briggins  himself  was: 
always  ready  to  undertake  the  "  afaires  "  of  any  Friend  in  trouble — to 
make  up  "  diferances " — to  inspect  accounts — to  make  wills  and  see 
that  the  provisions  of  the  same  were  carried  out — to  transact  business 
for  his  reHgious  Society — to  superintend  building  or  alteration  of  their 
Meeting  Houses  and  Burial  Grounds,  and  to  carry  his  friends  to  their 
last  resting  place,  "  I  holp  carry  hir  "  is  a  frequent  entry.  In  this  con- 
nection we  may  remark  on  the  appalling  number  of  deaths  in  the  Quaker 
Community,  and  we  are  impressed  with  the  fact  that  London  was  a  very 
unhealthy  place  at  that  period.  And  no  wonder,  when  we  consider  that 
it  was  almost,  if  not  quite,  destitute  of  drainage  and  dependent  for  much 
of  its  water-supply  on  shallow  wells  which  had  most  unsanitary  under- 
ground neighbours. 

We  reaHze  afresh  also,  to  some  small  extent,  how  terrible  was  the 
scourge  of  small-pox  before  Jenner's  wonderful  discovery  of  vaccination 
checked  its  ravages ;  and  we  cannot  help  wishing  that  those  who  deride 
this  preventive  would  take  the  trouble  to  ascertain  what  the  condition 
of  London  was  before  its  introduction.     It  is  not  necessary  to  plunge 


28  ELIOT    PAl^ERS  1703 

into  Peter  Briggins'  Diaries  for  this  purpose.     The  pubHshed  Diaries  of 
Evelyn  and  others  are  quite  sufficient.* 

There  are  certain  classes  of  Memoranda  that  might  be  of  real  service 
to  compilers  desiring  accurate  information  in  particular  Hnes.  Thus  the 
weather  reports  might  prove  of  considerable  value  if  some  patient 
meteorologist  (with  good  eyes)  cared  to  pick  them  out  from  among  the 
family  doings,  the  sermons  and  the  prospects  of  the  hop  crop  (the  latter, 
however,  being  quite  a  cognate  subject).  A  historian  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  might  glean  much  useful  information  as  to  the  various  Meetings, 
"  the  Meeting  of  xii,"  "  the  six  weeks'  Meeting,"  "  the  two  weeks'  Meet- 
ing," the  "  Workhouse "  and  its  Meeting — the  incredible  activity  of 
Friends  in  attending  four  or  five  Meetings  in  the  week  besides  two  on 
"first  day" — even  the  abstracts  of  the  sermons  of  George  Whitehead, 
Wm.  Penn  and  others  might  be  of  service.  The  history  of  the  very 
warm  discussions  over  the  question  of  the  "  Solemn  Afermation  "  is 
very  curious  and  interesting,  and  some  notice  of  it  will  be  given  in  its 
proper  place. 


*  From  a  careful  investigation  nude  in  the  large  Parish  of  West  Ham  in  1885  it  would  appear  that  an 
////vaccinated  person  runs  a  risk  of  death  from  small-pox  184  times  greater  than  one  who  has  ever  been 
vaccinated,  and  9,000  times  greater  than  one  who  has  been  re-vaccinated. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 
PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY,    1703-5 


We  now  proceed  to  give  some  extracts  in  the  order  in  which  they 
occur — trying  to  cull  any  morsels  that  may  possibly  have  some  hving 
interest  for  us  at  the  present  day. 

"7th  of  8  mo.  1703  ...  to  Hornsy  and  fished  about  2  hours  & 
"  only  caught  about  8  minnows  &  stone  roaches  and  so  to  Hibery  Barn 
"  with  my  Wife  &  Bro.  &  our  two  elder  children  met  us  &  so  we  got 
"  home  about  6 — a  fine  pleasant  day." 

Highbury  Barn  !  through  what  strange  vicissitudes  this  old  build- 
ing must  have  passed.  It  began  its  existence  about  the  xiii  century  as  a 
Tithe  Barn  attached  to  a  Country  House  of  the  Monks  of  the  Priory  of 
St  John  of  Clerkenwell,  and  the  country  house  was  destroyed  by  Jack 
Straw  in  137 1.  I  suppose  the  property  was  alienated  at  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  in  Peter  Briggins'  time  the  Barn  appears  to  have  been  a  quiet 
and  highly  respectable  place  of  entertainment  to  which  a  sober  Quaker 
could  take  his  wife  and  children,  or  even — as  we  find  occasionally — 
arrange  to  meet  them.  In  another  150  years  or  so,  when  I  first  re- 
member it  (by  name,  for  I  never  entered  it)  it  was  a  place  which  no 
man  or  woman  who  had  any  regard  for  character  could  frequent — a 
dancing  hall  resorted  to  by  the  most  dissolute  of  both  sexes.  In  fact 
before  it  was  pulled  down,  it  gained  such  a  hideous  notoriety  that  the 
road  from  Ishngton  to  Highbury  Barn  came  to  be  known  as  "  The 
Devil's  Walk."  I  do  not  know  the  year  in  which  it  finally  disappeared, 
but  it  must  have  been  about  1870. 

P.B's  Quakerly  principles  do  not  seem  to  have  prevented  his  dealing 
in   "  prize  goods " — by   which   I    understand   property   taken  from  the 


30  ELIOT   PAPERS  1703 

Enemy  at  Sea.  On  the  23rd  Nov.  he  "  went  to  Salters  Hall  but  y^  sale 
"  was  over  for  Prize  goods — so  to  the  burial  of  D.  Dale's  (or  Dole's) 
daughter."  Was  this  the  Dorcas  Dole — fellow  prisoner  of  his  Mother- 
in-law  of  whom  we  read  in  a  previous  chapter  ?  (see  page  6). 

At  the  end  of  this  week  we  come  upon  an  event  which  is  recorded  by 
John  Evelyn  as  well  as  by  our  Diarist.  It  may  be  interesting  to  compare 
their  accounts.  Peter  Briggins  writes,  under  date  27  Novem.  1703: 
'  Last  night  mighty  windy  &  Stormy  all  night :  it  blew  so  high  it  made 
'our  bed  shake  almost  every  blast.  It  hath  done  much  damage  to 
'  tyehng  &c  altho'  not  much  to  us.  Sat  at  home  all  the  forenoon  :  in 
'afternoon  I  went  with  W.T.  (William  Tibey)*  to  his  Mrs  (?  Master's) 
'  &c  &  so  home.  Much  tyhng  was  oflf  of  y'^  houses — windy  most  of  y'' 
'  day  till  near  night."  A  marginal  note  with  some  further  details  is 
unfortunately  broken  away  through  the  decay  of  the  paper. 

"  28th.  First  Day.  This  morning  I  and  wife  went  to  B.  &  M.  (Bull 
"  &  Mouth)  Meeting — in  afternoon  to  y^  Peel  and  so  home.  We  saw 
"great  damage  done  to  many  houses — A  little  coolish  &  dry." 

John  Evelyn  writes :  "  The  eflfects  of  the  hurricane  and  tempest  of 
"  wind,  rain  &  lightning  thro'  all  the  nation,  especially  London,  were 
"very  dismal.  xMany  houses  demolished  &  people  killed.  As  to  my 
"  own  losses — the  subversion  of  woods  &  timber,  both  ornamental  & 
"  valuable,  through  my  whole  estate,  and  about  my  house  (at  Wotton) 
"  the  woods  crowning  the  garden  mount  and  growing  along  the  park 
"  meadows,  the  damage  to  my  own  dwelling,  farms  &  outhouses  is 
"  almost  tragical,  not  to  be  paralled'd  with  anything  happening  in  our 
"age.  I  am  not  able  to  describe  it,  but  submit  to  the  pleasure  of 
"  Almighty  God."  and  again  Dec.  7  "  Houses,  trees,  garden,  &c.  at 
"  Says  Court  sufFer'd  very  much." 

On  the  3rd  December  we  find  P.B.  paying  ;^250  for  some  cochineal 
— so  his  dealings  in  that  article — among  others — must  have  been  large. 
A  few  days  later  we  find  him  buying  8  hogsheads  of  "  Hony." 


*  William  Tibey,  born  1682,  was  a  nephew  of  Peter  Briggins — son  of  his  sister  Hannah  who  married 
Thomas  Tibey.  T.T.  got  into  difficulty  by  becoming  security  for  a  friend,  and  fled  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
this  affected  his  wife  so  much  that  she  died  early.  Thus  William  Tibey  was  left  an  orphan.  He  appears 
to  h.ive  lived  to  a  considerable  age,  for  we  meet  with  him  ,-igain  in  John  Eliot's  Journals  in  1757. 


1703 — 1704  ELIOT    PAPERS  31 

On  the  29th  December  .  .  .  .  "  fair  pleasant  weather  and  More- 
"  fields  very  full  of  rude  people  flinging  at  Cocks." 

Have  my  readers  ever  studied  the  standard  work  known  as  "  Strutt's 
"  Book  of  British  Sports  "  ?  If  they  have  not,  they  will  hardly  realize 
what  the  amusements  of  young  Londoners  in  the  last  century  were 
like.  It  is  difficult  to  find  any  that  were  heahhy  to  the  body  and  not 
degrading  to  the  mind.  Bull  baiting  was  of  course  one  of  the  most 
favourite — but  this  was  expensive,  and  could  only  be  engaged  in  occa- 
sionally— cock  fighting  was  univer.sal  amongst  all  classes,  and  "  the 
"  general "  had  their  own  special  diversions,  among  which  was  the  one 
alluded  to.  A  cock  was  securely  tied  by  a  string,  and  the  "  sportsmen  " 
threw  short  sticks  or  bludgeons  at  him  till  the  poor  creature  was 
maimed  and  finally  killed.  The  "  sport "  itself  is,  happily,  nearly  for- 
gotten, but  it  has  left  its  mark  in  our  language  in  the  schoolboy  expres- 
sion a  "  cock-shy."  Another  very  favourite  diversion  of  the  j^oung 
Londoners  was  to  tie  together  by  a  short  string  an  owl  (which  birds  were 
commoner  then)  and  a  d7ick,  and  set  the  duck  to  swim  in  a  pond.  The 
owl  frightened  the  duck  and  caused  it  to  dive  and  drag  its  companion 
under  water,  and  the  sport  consisted  in  seeing  whether  the  owl  would 
be  drowned  before  the  duck  was  exhausted  ! 

I  have  often  thought  in  watching  the  hundreds  of  games  of  football 
which  are  to  be  seen  on  any  winter  Saturday  afternoon  all  round  London, 
that  we  may  be  truly  thankful  for  the  change  that  has  taken  place  in  the 
habits  of  our  young  clerks  and  "  prentices  "  smce  those  old  days — the 
healthy  advance  that  has  been  made  even  within  the  last  25  years  is 
very  remarkable. 

In  January  1703/4  we  again  find  P.B.  buying  "29  casks  of  forrin 
"  hony,"  and  we  meet  with  numerous  entries  such  as  "  went  to  the  Old 
"  East  India  House  &  received  y^  interest  of  three  Bonds." 

In  April  1704  we  find  him  attending  meetings  four  days  running. 
At  the  end  of  a  week  so  well  begun  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  spent 
his  Saturday  afternoon  in  making  up  "  y^  diferance  "  between  some  of 
his  neighbours — "and  so  home"  doubtless  with  the  reward  of  a  cheerful 
heart  and  a  good  conscience. 


32  ELIOT    PAPERS  I704 

7.  3  mo.  (Mav)  1704.  After  meeting  "we  went  to  Nuwington  Green 
"  Carding  &  home  about  8  or  9  at  night  .  .  .  in  y^  evening  it 
"  Htened  much." 

"  Newington  Green  Garden,"  doubtless  the  same  as  the  "  Spring 
"  Garden  Newington "  is  another  resort  frequently  mentioned  as  the 
object  of  countr}^  walks  in  the  afternoon  or  evening.  There  are  two 
Newingtons,  one  on  the  North  and  the  other  on  the  South  of  London. 
It  seems  clear  that  the  former  (properly  called  Stoke  Newington)  is  the 
place  intended,  for  the  way  to  it  would  lie  mostly  across  green  fields, 
whereas  the  latter  could  be  reached  only  by  going  through  the  thick  of 
the  City  and  across  the  narrow  old  London  Bridge.  A  few  days  later 
we  read,  "  about  4,  I  and  my  wife  &  children  went  in  a  Coach  as  far  as 
"  Frog  Laine  from  (Smith)  field,  paid  coach  l8d.  and  walked  to  Nuwing- 
"  ton  C.  Spring  Garden  ;  they  were  making  hay  ;  fine  pleasant  weather ; 
"not  very  hot."  It  may  be  noted  that  Newington  Green  was  P.B.'s 
birthplace. 

"21.  3  mo.  Walked  across  the  New  River  Head  field."  It  would 
be  difficult  to  find  a  field  within  a  couple  of  miles  of  the  New  River 
Head  now ! 

"  Went  to  buy  a  landscip."  This  must  mean  a  picture  or  an  engraving 
probably  for  the  decoration  of  his  house.  There  are  indications  that  in 
P.B's  day  many  scruples  which  existed  a  generation  or  two  later,  had 
not  yet  become  prominent.  Many  of  us  can  remember  the  time  when 
pictures  or  engravings — with  the  exception  of  portraits  and  "  Penn's 
"  treaty  with  the  Indians  " — were  very  rare  indeed  in  Quaker  houses. 

19.  4  mo.  1704.  "  In  y^  morning  about  3  o'clock,  I  and  G.C.  and 
"  W.T.  &  T.B.  went  to  Sheens  at  Edminton  and  so  to  their  brook,  but 
"  CO'  little.     Dinner  at  Sheens."  * 

Here  he  was  getting  very  close  to  Izaak  Walton's  ground.  The 
"  Complete  Angler"  opens  with  a  walk  up  Tottenham  Hill. 

A  day  or  two  later  we  find  P.B.  buying  "  a  fishing  cain  at  Mr. 
"  Brown's"  for  his  nephew  and  companion  W.  Tibey. 

23.  4  mo.  "  Sam'  made  2  brewings  of  mede.'"  Similar  entries  occur 
frequently,  in  the  same  way  as  do  notices  of  the  family  washing.  So 
we  see  one  use  to  which  honey  was  still  put  in  domestic  economy. 

*  The  Slieens  of  Edmonton  appear  to  have  been  a  Quaker  family  who  intermarried  with  the  Comptons  and  others. 


1704  ELIOT    PAPERS  33 

27.  4  mo.  "  My  wife  was  delivered  of  a  dafter  about  9J4  at  night, 
"whom  we  called  Gulielma :  very  hot  &.  sunshiny  weather  &  dry." 

9.  5  mo.  "  With  Mariabel  Bleak  went  to  Nuwington  Meeting,  we  had 
"  fair  goeing,  but  it  rained  most  of  y'=  Meeting  time  .  .  .  we  went 
"  to  y*^  3  Crowns  &  so  home  by  Whitmore's,  we  got  well  home  tho'  we 
"  had  a  prity  deal  of  trouble." 

This  Mariabella  Bleak  naturally  interests  us,  as  sharing  in  the  curious 
family  name.  She  was  evidently  the  daughter  of  a  younger  brother  of 
Mrs  Briggins'  mother,*  and  so  a  near  cousin.  John  Eliot  IV,  who 
traced  out  with  such  care  all  the  ramifications  of  his  family  tree,  entirely 
overlooks  her,  from  which  I  fear  that  he  had  never  read  his  great  grand- 
fother's  Diary,  or  he  may  have  been  misled  by  the  fact  that  he  evidently 
thought  that  Mariabella  Farmborough's  maiden  name  was  Blake. 

On  the  Monday  P.B.  goes  to  "  y^  2  Ws  meeting  at  B.  &  M."  (the 
two-weeks'  Meeting  at  Bull  &  Mouth)  on  the  Tuesday  to  "y^  Peel 
"  Meeting,"  and  on  the  Thursday  "  to  Meeting  for  Sufferings." 

5.  6  mo.  we  find  him  "very  buisy  running  out  hony";  at  other  times 
we  read  of  visits  to  "  y'=  Potters,"  probably  to  order  pots  in  which  to 
put  it. 

2.  7  mo.  (September)  "  Fast  day  for  y"  fier  of  London." 
7.  7  mo.  "Thanksgiving  day  for  Y  Duke  of  Marlboro's  victory  over 
"  y^  ffrench,"  (at  Blenheim)  "  round  by  Pauls  :  y«  trained  bands  out  & 
"  livery  men  in  y  formalitys  to  attend  y^  Queen."  A  fuller  account  of 
the  celebration  of  "  the  thanksgiving  for  the  late  greate  victory  with  the 
"utmost  pomp  &  splendour"  will  be  found  in  Evelyn's  Diary  under 
same  date. 

About  this  time  we  find  various  transactions  in  buying  and  selling 
hops — also  frequent  purchases  of  "  hony  " — a  purchase  of  Tobacco  is 
mentioned,  but  dealings  in  this  article  seem  to  have  been  rare.  We  get 
ghmpses  of  pleasant  country  walks  with  his  wife  to  "  Mile  End  and 


Her  Father  was  named  John   Bleake  and  came  from  War: 


34  ELIOT   PAPERS  I705 

"  Beddnal  Green,"  as  well  as  to  Newington,  the  New  River,  "  Busbys 
"folly"  and  other  resorts.  Mrs  Briggins  evidently  frequently  visited 
"  y«  Workhouse,"  and  her  husband  walked  home  with  her.  "  To  y'= 
"  barber's  "  is  a  frequent  entry. 

4.  9  mo.     "  K.  W"'  Birthday  &  g'  ringing  of  Bells  &c." 
25.  10  mo.     "  X™^  day.     Our  children  went  to  see  M.  Hewit  in  a 
"  coach". 

3.  II  mo.  (January)  "Met  my  wife  at  y'=  Wheatsheaf,  came  with 
"  her  from  meeting  &  went  with  her  &  saw  y^  standrds  &  couUers  taken 
"  by  D.  Malbro  &c." 

6.  1 1  mo.  "  In  y^  evng.  went  to  see  y'^  Queens  coach  at  Goldsmiths 
"  Hall  with  my  3  eld.  dafters." 

About  the  end  of  November  and  the  beginning  of  December  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  very  unhealthy  season.  We  find  notes  "y^ 
"  Weekly  bill  (of  mortality)  706  ;  very  high  bill "  and  the  next  week  "  y^ 
"  W.  bill  643  "  and  mention  is  made  of  the  deaths  and  burial  of  several 
friends,  and  such  entries  as  "  I  had  a  sore  throat  cold."  "  My  2  young'' 
"  child  :  co'  g'  colds  " — at  this  time  my  Daf  Hanah  not  very  well."  By 
the  beginning  of  January,  1705,  the  "  Week's  bill"  had  dropped  to  344, 
showing  that  the  previous  mortality  had  been  something  very  unusual. 

4.  2  mo.  1705  "  being  fast  day  ...  I  &  my  w.  &  children  went 
"to  Gracious  S'  M'  .  .  .  G.W.  (probably  George  Whitehead)  & 
"  W.  Penn  (preached)  y'  we  should  come  to  know  a  fasting  from  sin  & 
"  a  living  to  God  &c." 

6.  2  mo.  1705  "to  y^  M'  for  Suferings  &  spoak  to  H.  Goldney  ab* 
"  W""  Penn's  afair  relat.  to  Jo"  Darby." 

2.  3  mo.  1705.  "  Yesterday  a  whale  was  brot  to  Greenwich  (ab* 
"  48  ft.  long)  &  this  day  a  woman  was  burnt  in   Smithfield  for  coyning." 

"  Coining,"  (as  a  form  of  felony  which  interfered  with  the  Royal  Pre- 
rogative) was  visited  with  the  severest  penalties.  Men  were  sentenced 
to  be  "  drawn  and  hanged,"  but  wo7?ien  were  to  be  burned  alive.  "  For 
"  as   the   decency   due  to  the   sex   forbids  the  exposing  and    publicly 


1705  ELIOT   PAPERS  35 

"  mangling  their  bodies,  their  sentence  (which  is  to  the  full  as  terrible 
"  to  sensation  as  the  other)  is  to  be  drawn  to  the  gallows  and  there  to 
"be  burnt  alive"  (Blackstone).  As  a  matter  of  fact  women  who 
were  sentenced  to  be  burnt  ahve  were  mercifully  strangled  before 
the  fire  reached  them,  but  on  one  notorious  occasion  in  1726,  when 
a  woman  was  being  burned  for  the  murder  of  her  husband,  the 
fire  reached  the  hangman's  hands  before  he  could  tighten  the  cord, 
and  the  poor  creature  suffered  the  full  agony  of  the  torture.  As 
far  as  I  can  learn,  the  last  instance  of  a  woman  being  burned  for 
coining  was  in  front  of  the  debtors  door  at  Newgate  in  1789.  By  an 
Act  passed  30  George  III  cap.  48  this  horrible  punishment  was  changed 
to  hanging,  and  even  this  penalty  has  since  been  superseded  by  im- 
prisonment or  penal  servitude. 

3.  3  mo.  1705  "ab'  3  I  w'  with  my  W.  and  T.B.  to  Bilhngsg'  &  took 
"  waf  to  see  y«  Whale,  it  lay  at  this  side  Bedford :  it  was  a  mighty  fish, 
"  about  y^  length  above  (given).  We  cut  a  piece  of  whalebone  out  of 
"y*=  Jaw."  Evelyn  tells  of  a  large  whale  being  killed  in  the  shallow 
water  near  Greenwich  in  1658  and  another  coming  ashore  in  1699.  It 
is  curious  that  three  whales  should  have  been  caught  in  this  part  of  the 
Thames  in  50  years. 

16.  3.  mo.  1705.  "  I  and  my  W  (wife)  &  M.  &  S.  &  T.  Brinsmead 
"  walked  as  far  as  y'^  cave  in  Hornsey  wood."  This,  I  believe,  was  on 
the  site  now  occupied  by  Finsbury  Park :  the  "  Hornsey  Wood  "  Tavern 
stood  there. 

Now  we  come  again,  and  for  the  last  time,  into  touch  with  Evelyn's 
Diary — and  in  a  very  interesting  way,  namely,  a  General  Election,  in 
which  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  that  the  good  old  Tory  gentleman 
and  the  worthy  Quaker  merchant  took  opposite  sides. 

"28.  3  mo.  1705.  This  morning  I  and  my  Brother  T. P.  (Thomas 
"  Farmborough  the  surgeon)  and  T.  Brinsmead  went  in  a  boat  to  Bran- 
"  ford*  (Brentford)  &  I  with  other  frds  poled  for  Wesenham  &  Barker 
"  &  came  back  by  water." 

*  Brentford  would  be  the  polling  place  for  Middlesex  and  Guildford  for  Surrey.  P.B.  had  property  in 
Southwark,  as  well  as  various  properties  on  the  North  of  the  Thames. 

L2 


36  ELIOT    PAPERS  1705 

30.  3  mo.  1705.  "  I  about  4  a  clock  in  the  morn,  w'  to  y^  Bridge 
"  foot  &  took  a  coach  to  Guildford  &  pol"^  for  S"'  R"*  Onslow  &  S"'  W"" 
"  Scowen  I  w*  with  5  others  in  y^  Coach  :  y^  weather  coole  I  lay  at 
"  Caleb  Wood's  at  Guildford  and  returned  in  y<=  s^  coach  about  3  in 
"  aft"  of  next  day.  For  y'^  future  I  think  considering  y^  g'  crowd  y*  day, 
"  it  may  be  best  to  goe  y'=  next  day,  y^  Poll  lasting  2  days  &  its  best  for 
"  lodging  so  to  do.     When  I  come  home  I  went  to  y'=  Yearly  Meeting." 

Now  let  us  see  what  John  Evelyn  says  of  the  matter. 

"  Most  extravagant  expense  to  debauch  and  corrupt  votes  for  Parlia- 
"  ment  Members.  I  sent  my  Grandson  with  his  party  of  my  freeholders 
"  to  vote  for  Mr.  Harvey  of  Combe."* 

Probably  Evelyn's  remark  about  bribery  was  only  too  well  justified  : 
it  was  the  rule  and  not  the  exception — but  possibly  the  good  old  man's 
wrath  would  not  have  been  so  evoked  but  for  the  fact  that  Briggins  and 
his  fellow  Whigs  got  their  men  in,  and  Mr  Harvey,  who  was  a  very 
strong  Tory,  was  unsuccessful. 

About  this  time  P.B.  apparently  set  up  a  weathercock,  as  he  regularly 
notes  the  direction  of  the  wind.  He  also  frequently  notes  the  price  of 
hops,  and  the  two  things  have  a  certain  connection,  for  the  price  of  the 
old  hops  would  be  affected  by  the  prospects  of  the  coming  crop,  and 
that  depends  very  greatly  on  the  weather — cold  and  dry  winds  are  apt 
to  subject  the  growing  hops  to  insect  plagues — or,  as  he  briefly  notes, 
"Wind  N  y^  hops  very  lowsy."  The  summer  of  1705  seems  to  have 
been  a  dry  one,  for  on  the  lOth  of  5  mo. — July — he  notes  "  The  fields 
"  very  russit." 

II.  6  mo.  1705  "In  y^  morn  went  to  see  y^  fier  at  Somerset 
"  House.  It  burnt  down  2  or  3  stables.  It  came,  they  say,  by  un- 
"  slacked  lyme  being  laid  near  ene  of  y^  Doors  &  by  a  shower  of  Raine 
"  it  kindled  y'^  fier,  y'=  wind  being  very  high."  This  Somerset  House 
was  not  the  formal  range  of  public  offices  which  we  all  know  so  well, 
but  an  old  Palace — formerly  the  Dower  House  of  the  Queens  of 
England ;  but  in  the  early  xviii  century  a  sort  of  Almshouse  for  decayed 


In    Evelyn's  published  Diary  the  dnte  is  printed  "  20th  "  May.      This  is  evidently  a  misprint,  for  there 
no  possible  mistake  about  the  date  in  P.Bs  Diary. 


1705  ELIOT    PAPERS  37 

nobility — as  Hampton  Court  is  now.  The  present  Somerset  House 
was  built  about  a  century  ago.  He  adds  a  side-note,  "  Noat.  this  wind 
"  did  g'  damage  as  also  to  y<=  hops  :  it  blow"*  down  y'=  poles  &.  they 
"advanced  20s.  p.  cwt.  for  y^  wind." 

While  on  the  subject  of  hops  we  may  remark  that  there  were  evidently 
hop  gardens  close  to  London,  even  on  the  North,  about  (Stoke)  New- 
ington,  Edmonton,  "  Bois  Farm,"  &c.,  although,  as  might  be  expected, 
these  did  not  prosper  in  a  bad  season  such  as  1708,  as  well  as  those 
about  Canterbury.  It  was  part  of  the  old  fashioned  economy  to  grow, 
as  far  as  possible,  all  that  was  needed  for  the  daily  life,  on  each  estate. 
I  believe  that  a  trace  of  this  universal  culture  of  hops  may  be  found  in 
the  name  "  Hoppet "  for  a  small  meadow  or  orchard — a  term  which  is 
still  in  use  in  conveyances  of  land  in  parts  of  Essex  where  no  hops 
have  been  grown  for  very  many  years. 

30.  6  mo.  1705.  "  In  y^  evening  I  went  to  meet  y*^  Capt.  of  y^ 
"  trained  bands.'"  Why  should  P.  B.,  a  Quaker,  go  to  see  such  an 
official  ?  I  believe  that,  being  a  wise  man,  he  thought  it  prudent  to 
keep  in  touch  with  the  semi-mihtary  power  on  which  depended  to  a 
great  extent  the  maintenance  of  order  in  London.  These  were  days  of 
frequent  public  rejoicings  over  victories  abroad,  and  the  principles  of 
the  Quakers  forbade  them  to  join  in  illuminating  their  houses,  and  in 
consequence  the  mob  amused  themselves  by  breaking  their  windows. 
It  is  a  significant  fact  that  we  frequently  find  that  Peter  Briggins'  house 
was  not  molested  when  many  others  suffered. 

7.  9  mo.  "  In  y<=  evening  I  went  with  J.  Sloadar  to  W*"-  Elwoods  & 
"  ended  y*^  diferance  between  them." 

25.  II  mo.  (January)  1705/6  (St.  Paul's  day — see  note  on  page  46). 
"  Noat.  This  24  hours  (I  think)  it  hath  snowed  and  it  lyes  about  I  foot 
"  thick  on  y'=  ground.  There  hath  not  been  y^  like  some  years."  Two 
months  later  we  find  that  it  is  "  hot  sultery  weather  with  sunshine  & 
"clear  like  midsummer." 


CHAPTER    IX. 
PETER    BRIGGINS'    DIARY,    1706- 


20.  I  mo.  (March)  1706.  "This  day  fast  day  for  a  blessing  on 
"  y^  armies." 

23.  2  mo.  (April)  1706.  "  Saw  y^  Venetian  Ambassador  goe  by 
"  y^  change  about  5  o'clock." 

4.  4  mo.  1706.  "This  day  a  constable  searched  our  house  for 
"  seamen." 

27.  4  mo.  (June)  1706.  "this  day  y^  Queen  was  at  Paul's  Cathed' 
"  it  being  a  thanksgiving  day  for  y^  D.  of  M's  victory  over  y^  French"  (at 
Ramilies).  On  the  3 1  of  10  mo.  we  find  that  the  Queen  was  again  at 
St.  Paul's  "  for  to  return  thanks  for  y^  many  victories  of  y^  last 
"  year,  &c." 

24.  8  mo.  1706.  "  Windy  &  wet  weather.  Our  wether  glass  last 
"  night  was  almost  at  y«  lowest  at  28  in. 

"  Stormy  wet  wether  :  y^  wind  high  last  night." 

On  the  31.  I  (xMarch)  1706  we  find  him  visiting  the  New  River 
"  beyond  Nuington,  made  anew  to  bring  y^  water  quicker  to  London." 
It  is  interesting  to  find  that  already  improvements  of  this  kind  were 
being  made.  Within  the  last  40  years  the  course  of  the  River  has 
been  much  shortened  for  the  same  purpose.  When  it  was  first  made, 
being  a  great  experiment,  the  main  object  was  to  avoid  expense  by 
following  the  lines  of  the  hills  and  avoiding  needless  cuttings  or 
embankments. 


40  ELIOT    PAPERS  I707— 1708 

On  his  return  he  comes  by  Highbury  Barn  and  "  Cambery  House" 
(Canonbury  House).  This  magnificient  old  Mansion  still  stands  but  is 
divided  into  three,  forming  Nos.  6,  7,  and  8  of  Canonbury  Place. 

On  the  9th  of  May  1706  he  shared  with  William  Penn  the  duty  of 
carrying  one  M.  Brown  "  to  y"=  grave." 

In  May  1707  we  read  that  "  ther  was  such  admirable  drifts  of  small 
"  flys,  like  annt  (ant)  flys  with  long  wings  y*  I  never  saw  ye  like.  They 
"  lay  thick  on  y<=  ground  &  houses." 

On  the  2lst  August  he  went  with  others  to  see  about  "ve  Poors 
"  coles."  It  was  evidently  one  of  the  many  wa^^s  in  which  they  helped 
their  poorer  neighbours,  to  provide  them  with  a  regular  supply  of  coals. 
One  would  like  to  have  some  details  of  this  early  "  coal  club."  These 
coals  were,  of  course,  all  brought  to  London  by  water :  the  "  sea-coal " 
of  Shakspere. 

23  Aug.  "  Y^  Lord  Mayor  &  Aldermen  came  by  our  Dore  this  after- 
"noon  to  proclaim  this  wicked  fare."  Evidently  the  annual  Bartholomew 
Fair  (commonly  called  "  Barthlemy  Fair  ")  held  in  Smithfield  close  by, 
which  was  indeed  a  disgraceful  scene.  (St.  Bartholomew's  day  is 
August  24th).  Several  mentions  of  it  will  be  found  in  Pepys.  In  spite 
of  the  fact  that  it  was  a  notorious  scene  of  drunkenness  and  riot,  I 
beheve  it  was  not  finally  suppressed  till  1850. 

5  Sept.  1707  "  to  y'^  Spring  Garden,  y^  hops  was  this  day  cut  dovv-n 
"  whilst  we  was  there." 

27  Sep.  1707.  "  I  went  with  G.  M.  and  J.  Stringfeld  to  discourse 
"J.Jackson  ab'  his  putting  out  his  latter  book  in  favour  of  the  Camisers" 
and  again  2  Nov.  1707.  "3  Camisers  stood  at  y^  Exchange  y^  day  for 
"  Profesieing  &c.  they  stood  not  in  y'=  pillery  but  on  an  advanced  Stadle." 
The  "camisers"  were  some  of  the  "  Camisards,"*  the  Huguenots  of  the 
Cevennes,  who  were  driven  to  rebellion  by  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  in  1685.  They  were  not  finally  subdued  till  1704.  In  1706 
some  of  the  more  fanatical  of  them  came  to  this  country  and  caused 
much  scandal  by  their  presumptuous  conduct  and  extravagant  pretensions  ; 

A  valuable  work  on  "  The  Camisards,"  b)'  Mr  Chas.  Tylor  bas  lately  been  publisbed  by  Simpkin, 
Marshall  &  Co.,  London.       Sec  page  209  of  that  book  for  a  fuller  account  of  the  above. 


lyoS  ELIOT   PAPERS  41 

Though  they  attracted  numerous  followers  they  were  denounced  by 
sensible  men  of  all  shades  of  thought.  The  three  who  stood  in  the 
pillory  were  Elie  Marion  and  his  two  secretaries. 

We  now  begin  to  come  upon  notices  of  the  unsettlement  and  uneasi- 
ness caused  by  the  Pretender. 

13.  I  mo.  (March)  1708.  "  I  called  this  day  at  y<=  Bank  and  there  was 
"  g'  hurry  in  paying  mony.  People  in  a  fear  becaus  of  y'=  landing  of  y*^  P.P. 
"  of  Wales  in  Scotland." 

17  March.  "I  at  home  all  day  except  at  Change  &  at  y^  Bank  &.c. 
"  people  in  g'  confusion  on  ace'  of  y*^  French  fleet  supposed  landing  at 
"  Scotland  with  y'^  Pretender  P.  of  Wailes  aboard.  Bank  and  India 
"  Stock  fallen  ab'  10  or  15  per  cent  &  N.  &  old  bonds  about  2  guineas 
"  p.  cent  Disco'. 
"  Noat.     Y^  Bank  allow  6  p.  cent  on  their  bills  from  yesterday." 

20  March.  "  People  make  g'  complaints  by  reason  of  y^  Deadness  of 
"  Trayd  &  Stocks  low  as  above." 

21.  April.  "My  bro.  F.  (?  Farmborough)  &  my  W.  &  children  & 
"  Marabel  went  to  Tatnam  (Tottenham)  "  Tottenham  must  at  that  time 
have  been  a  very  quiet  country  village,  chiefly  straggling  along  the  main 
North  road — with  several  fine  mansions,  including  that  of  the  Earls  of 
Coleraine  at  Bruce  Castle. 

On  the  12  of  May  1708  we  find  him  again  journeying  to  Guildford 
by  coach  to  take  part  in  an  election  of  "knights  of  y<=  shire." 

19  June  1708.  Our  Dafter  Hana  was  taken  ill  1st  Day  and  on  y'^  3rd 
"  Day  y'=  smallpox  came  out  &  y"=  child  we  feared  yesterday  was  rather 
"worse,  &  this  morn,  we  sent  for  Dr.  Lower;  he  prescribed  some 
"  Diacodium  &  some  Ganscoins  powder  &  simple  waters  made  up  into 
"  a  cordial,  &  y'^  child  seems  a  little  better  disposed  to  sleep  than  before, 
"  by  Dr.  Lower's"  advice  we  had  Guile  let  blood  to  prevent  her  having 
"  ye  small  pox  so  violent  as  Hannah." 

'*  This  Dr  Lower  was  prob.ibly  Thomas  Lower,  M.D.,  son-in-law  of  Margaret  Fell,  who  married  Geo.  Fox. 
He  died  in  1720,  aged  88. 


42  ELIOT    PAPERS  1708 

24  June.  "  Noat :  our  Dafter  Hannah  after  5  or  6  dales  being  blind, 
"  could  see  (thro'  ye  Lord's  goodness)  &  was  something  better  this  day 
"&  began  to  eat — but  was  very  bad  before.'"' 

3  July.  Our  dafter  Guile  ab'  y<=  Midle  of  this  week  y'=  small  pox  came 
"  out  but  not  so  full  as  Hanna." 

On  the  30  June  is  a  marginal  note  "  Y^^  Duke  of  M.  beat  y'^  french." 

7.  5  mo.  1708.  "Went  to  y"  Collection  at  y<=  Peel. — Camfield  spk  y' 
"  we  know  a  growing  in  grace  as  from  a  child's  state  to  a  father's  &c.  and 
"J.  Butcher  y«  we  prize  y^  g'  mercys  we  enjoy  of  our  peaceable  meetings 
"together  &  of  y^  mercys  y'=  Lord  is  pleased  to  continue  to  this 
"  nation  &c." 

He  several  times  alludes  to  this  blessing  of  peaceable  meetings  and 
refers  to  the  time  within  memory  when  it  was  otherwise — as  he  had 
experienced  in  his  own  person  (see  page  16). 

12.  5  mo.  1708.  "  I  at  home  all  day  &  let  blood  for  a  pain  in  my 
"  side." 

It  now  became  desirable  to  get  country  air  for  the  convalescent  from 
the  small  pox,  and  accordingly  he  looks  at  lodgings  at  Islington,  and 
finally  engages  "  an  apartment,"  (evidently  used  in  the  French  sense  of  a 
suite  of  rooms)  in  Newington  Town,  paying  £4.  10  o  for  three  months. 
Thither  "  My  w.  &  children  &  Marabel  &  M  "  (this  was,  I  think,  their 
maid  Marshall)  "  removed  on  the  16."  "  in  a  coach  for  3s.  ."  On  the 
same  day  he  notes  "  this  evening  severall  Gt  claps  &  rumbehngs  as  it 
"  were  round  of  Thunders  &  it  litened  much,  I  don't  know  that  I  ever 
"  knew  it  thunder  &  liten  more  violent." 

After  this  we  find  him  frequently  going  backwards  and  forwards  to 
Newington  to  see  after  "  o'  children,"  his  wife  being  sometimes  with 
them  and  sometimes  at  home.  Cousin  Marabel  taking  charge  in  her 
absence. 

He  appears  not  unfrequently  to  extend  his  northward  journey  to 
Tottenham  Meeting — chronicling  the  sermons  there  as  usual.  It  is 
interesting  to  remember  that  John  Evelyn  does  just  the  same  in  his 
diary — keeping  notes  of  the  sermons  that  he  heard  Sunday  after 
Sunday. 

*  I  notice  that  Hannahbella  did  not  marry  till  she  was  nearly  40 ;  whereas  the  others  all  married  under 
30,  from  which  1  conclude  that  the  small  pox  had  left  its  marks. 


1708  ELIOT   PAPERS  43 

In  August  1708  we  find  our  Diarist  much  occupied  over  the  enlarge- 
ment of  "  the  Peel "  Meeting  House.  It  is  probable  that  this  old  place 
of  worship  in  Peel  Court,  St.  John  St.,  West  Smithfield,  remains  much 
as  he  left  it  when  these  enlargements  were  completed. 

19  Aug.  1708.  "This  day  y^  Queen  went  to  Pauls  on  ace'  of 
"  y^  Victory  obtained  over  y^  French  at  Audinard." 

2.  September  1708.  "all  stocks  &  Bonds  &c  on  y  declining  on  y'= 
"  ace'  of  y^  111  success  of  afairs  abroad  &  y^  siege  of  Lille." 

14  Oct.  1708.  "  After  noon  wt  to  fetch  my  children  from  Nuwing- 
"ton."  We  may  hope  that  the  little  girls  had  enjoyed  their  stay  in  the 
country,  and  that  the  two  sufferers  from  small  pox  had  quite  recovered. 
They  had  had  wet  weather  apparently,  at  first,  and  afterwards  a  long  time 
of  drought,  and  "  Fair  &  pleas'  weather  for  y^  season." 

Nov.  1708.  "To  y*^  Fier  Offis  in  S'.  Martins  Lane  to  give  in  my 
"  voat." 

17  Nov.  1708.  "to  Change  &  met  Jo"  Ashe  about  y^  skins  from 
"  Pensilvania." 

The  last  remaining  entry  in  this  volume  is  as  follows  : 

4.  X  mo.  (December  1708).  "I  at  home  all  day,  last  n'  fell  a  great 
"  deale  of  snow  :  y«  wether  very  cold  &  drisly.  Bonds  African  about  43 
"  per  cent  (?)  discount.  Old  Company  about  17^  per  cent  disc'.  Hops 
"  rather  advancing." 


CHAPTER    X. 
PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY,    1711-12. 


There  must  be  one  or  two  volumes  missing,  for  the  next  extant 
volume  begins  with  6th  1 1  mo.  17 1 1.  (January  1711/12).  We  find 
the  quiet  life  going  on  just  as  before,  but  with  unmistakeable  evidence 
that  the  good  man  had  prospered  in  the  meantime.  There  are  fewer 
notes  about  hops  and  "hony"  and  more  about  Stocks  and  attendances 
at  the  Bank  and  the  East  India  and  South  Sea  Offices,  and  much  about 
Lotteries.  The  weekly  page  is  also  more  taken  up  with  notes  of  the 
sermons  heard  at  the  Meetings. 

South  Sea  Stock  was  at  this  time  as  legitimate  an  investment  as  East 
India  Stock — though  probably  not  really  so  sound.  The  South  Sea 
Company  was  founded  in  171 1,  by  an  arrangement  with  Harley,  Earl  of 
Oxford.  In  consideration  of  the  Company  paying  off  ten  millions  of 
National  Floating  Debt,  they  received  a  monopoly  of  the  trade  with  the 
South  Seas  (the  Southern  Atlantic)  especially  with  the  Spanish  Colonies 
in  South  America,  and  other  advantages.  It  was  not  till  1720  that  the 
scheme  was  inflated,  and  pubhc  speculation  stimulated  until  it  grew  into 
the  celebrated  "  South  Sea  Bubble,"  by  which  so  many  fortunes  were 
wrecked.  At  the  height  of  the  excitement  the  ;^ioo  stock  rose  to 
^1,000,  and  then  fell  rapidly  to  ^150,  and  the  ultimate  salvage  to  the 
proprietors  and  subscribers  was  about  ^33  6s.  8d.  per  cent.  I  am 
unable  to  trace  whether  the  Briggins'  family  lost  anything  by  the 
Company — possibly  they  were  wise  enough  to  "  sell  out "  in  time. 

"  The  Bank "  was  at  this  time,  I  beheve,  at  Grocer's  Hall,  in  the 
Poultry,  the  East  India  Company  in  Leadenhall  Street. 


46   .  ELIOT   PAPERS  I71I 

8.  II  mo.  1711.  "  I  at  home  afore  noon  &  after  went  to  Change 
"  &  sold  M.  Bleak's  blank  tickets  for  £']  \l  G  after  (having)  sercht 
"  them  at  And'^  Bell's  offis  :  Lottery  ended  this  day." 

9.  II  mo.  "  In  y^  morning  went  to  y<^  Guildhall  &  saw  y^  classes  for 
"  course  of  paym'  of  y'=  tickets  drawn  :  afternoon  went  to  Change  &  sold 
"  50  (?  guineas)  a  year  anuity  for  my  father  T.F."  (Thomas  Farmborough). 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  the  Friends  at  this  time,  and  even  two 
generations  later,  do  not  seem  to  have  had  the  smallest  misgiving  as  to 
the  propriety  of  Lotteries — they  were  regarded  as  a  perfectly  legitimate 
form  of  speculation — even,  apparently,  for  young  persons  like  Mariabella 
Bleak. 

12.  II  mo.  "In  y^  morning  went  to  Lincoln's  Inn  about  buying 
"  Orphants  (orphans)  stock." 

15.  II  mo.  "In  y^  morning  about  buying  Orphans'  Stock  for  my 
"father  T.F.      .      .      .      and  paid  for  y'=  Orphants  Stock  in  y^  evening." 

This  "  Orphans  Stock  "  is  mentioned  not  unfrequently,  and  evidently 
remained  as  a  family  investment  for  many  years — for  we  meet  with  it  again 
in  the  Diaries  of  P.B's  grandson,  John  Eliot  III,  and  in  family  Deeds  and 
Settlements.  I  have  been  quite  unable  to  discover  what  the  stock  was 
which  went  by  this  name.  No  such  stock  is  known  at  the  Bank  of 
England  as  having  ever  existed  on  their  books. 

16.  II  mo.     "  Fast  day  on  ace'  of  approaching  peace." 

20.  II  mo.  "  Went  to  Plaistow  to  see  my  children  M.  &  S.  (Mercy 
"  &  Susanna)  &  to  y^  mtg.  &c." 

These  two  were  now  at  school  at  Plaistow,  apparently  with  a  Thomas 
Peacock.  We  have  two  or  three  loving  and  wise  letters  written  to  them 
by  their  Father — which  the  reader  shall  share  when  we  have  done  with 
the  diaries.     (See  Chapter  XVIII.) 

26.  II  mo.  "  Yesterday  was  y'  called  St.  Paul's  day  :  in  y^  fournoon 
"  high  winds  :  ab'  2  sun  shined  out  clear  ab'  3  it  began  to  rain  till  about 
"  7  or  8  at  night."  This  exact  description  of  the  weather  on  St.  Paul's 
Day  no  doubt  refers  to  an  old  weather  proverb,  of  which  various  versions 
in  Latin  and  other  languages  have  been  current  throughout  Western 
Europe.     One  of  the  English  versions  runs : 


lyil  — 1712  ELIOT   PAPERS  47 

"If  St.  Paul's  Day  be  fair  and  clear 
"It  does  betide  a  happy  year. 
"But  if  it  chance  to  snow  or  rain, 
"  Then  will  be  dear  all  kinds  of  grain. 
"  If  clouds  or  mists  do  dark  the  sky, 
"Great  store  of  birds  and  beasts  shall  die. 
"  And  if  the  winds  do  fly  aloft, 
"  Then  war  shall  vex  the  kingdom  oft." 

16.  12  mo.  1711  (February  1711/12).  "We  had  an  ace'  this  day 
"  y'  y-'  young  Dauphin  &  wife  dved  within  6  davs  of  one  another  of  y^ 
"  measles." 

24.  12  mo.  "In  y<=  morning  I  &.  H.  &.  G.  &  Great  Bell  went 
"  to  Nuwington  Meeting." 

Great  Bell  is  evidently  Mariabella  Bleak,  as  opposed  to  her  little 
Cousin  Mariabella  Farmborough  Briggins,  who  is  called  "  Little  Bell." 

I.  I  mo.  17 12.  (xMarch)  "There  was  a  strong  report  yesterday 
"yt  ye  Frcuch  King  was  dead." 

6.  I  mo.  17 12.  "I  at  home  all  day  except  at  Sion  Collage  &  at 
"  Col.  Gower's  in  Fleet  St."  One's  curiosity  is  excited  as  to  what  could 
take  him  to  so  ecclesiastical  a  place  as  Sion  College — but  it  has  to 
remain  unsatisfied.  Sion  College  with  its  Library  and  Almshouses 
stood  in  London  Wall,  at  the  corner  of  Philip  Lane,  and  just  opposite 
the  interesting  remains  of  the  old  Wall  in  the  little  churchyard  of  St. 
Alphage.  It  was  moved  away,  and  the  ground  occupied  by  warehouses, 
about  20  years  ago. 

24.  3.  17 12.  "after  il  a  clock  went  to  South  Sea  Office  &  transfered 
"  500  of  y'  Stock  of  my  Bro.  he  had  in  my  name." 

25.  3  mo.  "  In  y^  morning  abo'  6  a  clock  I  &  my  wife  went  to 
"  Plaistow  to  see  our  3  children  .  .  .  ab'  5  we  set  out  homeward  & 
"  at  home  about  9  a  clock,  we  could  not  get  a  coach." 


CHAPTER    XI  * 
PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY 

THE   DISCUSSIONS    ABOUT   THE    SOLEMN 
AFFIRMATION 


We  now  hear  of  the  discussions  which  occupied  the  thoughts  of  the 
Quakers  for  two  or  three  years  as  to  the  Affirmation  which  they  were 
allowed  to  make  in  Courts  of  Justice  in  place  of  an  oath.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  much  of  the  persecution  which  they  had  suffered 
in  the  previous  century  was  consequent  on  their  refusal  to  take  an  oath 
of  any  kind.  When  more  statesmanlike  counsels  prevailed  in  high 
quarters,  their  objection  was  frankly  recognised,  and  Members  of  their 
Society  were  allowed  to  make  a  solemn  affirmation  or  declaration  in 
place  of  a  judicial  oath.  But  it  appears  that  even  this  concession  failed 
to  sati-sfy  some  of  the  more  scrupulous.  They  considered  that  it  was 
not  allowable  to  go  beyond  the  exact  words  of  "Yea"  and  "Nay,"  and 
some  had  incurred  penalties  or  disabilities  by  refusing  to  make  the 
prescribed  affirmation.  Reports  of  these  events  had  been  sent  to  the 
"Yearly  Meeting," t  and  the  question  arose  whether  these  were 
"  sufferings "  of  a  nature  to  be  recognised  by  the  whole  Body  of  the 
Society  by  the  formality  of  entering  them  upon  their  records,  and 
whether  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  obtain  a  further  alteration  in  the 
law.      Much  strong  feehng — even  amounting  to  bitterness — seems  to 

*  Readers  who  t.ike  no  special  interest  in  Qu.ikerism  may  skip  this  chapter. 
+  See  page  86,  foot  note. 
M 


50  ELIOT    PAPERS  I712 

have  been  evolved  in  the  course  of  the  controversy,  and  it  is  instructive 
to  observe  that  the  counsels  of  wisdom  and  moderation  evidently  came 
from  those  who  had  proved  in  their  own  persons  that  they  were  not 
afraid  to  face  imprisonment  and  the  risk  of  death  itself,  when  a  real 
principle  was  in  question. 

II.  4  mo.  (June)  17 12.  "To  }^  adjournment  of  y'=  Yrly  Meets  &  a 
"  Debate  arose  abo*  entering  sufferings  on  ace*  of  y«  afermation  but  could 
"  not  agree  about  it."  This  debate  (begun  the  year  before)  went  on  for 
days,  "and  there  was  great  Debates  &  little  or  nothing  done  but 
"  Debates  abo'  y<=  Afermation  "  through  this  week  and  the  next.  At  last 
the  discussions  are  over  for  this  year,  and  the  Annual  Session  of  the 
Society  closed  in  the  usual  solemn  fashion.  "  Y^  Countys  was  called  over 
"  &  a  good  ace'  given  of  y'=  prosperity  of  truth  &c."  After  several  long 
sermons,  "G.  Whitehead,  W".  Penn  &  Thos.  Ecleston  ended  the 
"  meeting  with  prayer,  altho'  a  w°  friend  &  Henry  Atkinson  prayed 
"  after,"  from  which  it  appears  that  the  ministrations  of  these  latter  were 
not  acceptable,  and  were  considered  an  intrusion  by  the  majority  of  the 
Meeting. 

It  may  be  well  to  follow  up  this  subject,  out  of  the  strict  order 
of  dates.     Therefore  we  pass  on  to  the  next  Yearly  Meeting. 

29  of  3  mo.  (May)  17 13.  "Afternoon  went  again"  (to  the  Yearly 
Meeting)  "  but  y'=  Dissatisfieds  would  not  allow  any  minit  to  be  made 
"  (y'  whereas  some  friends  had  judged  y"^  afermation  as  much  forbid  as 
"  anything  in  y'=  5  of  Matthew,  y'  y"^  s^  Mtg  did  not  think  it  an  Oathe 
"  &  did  not  allow  such  reflections  contrary  to  y'=  advise  of  a  former  Yrly 
"  Mtg.,  that  both  sides  should  keep  out  of  a  judging  spirit,  &c.") 

30.  3  mo.  "  to  y<=  adjournm'  of  y«  Yrly  Mtg.  &  after  some  debates  a 
"  minit  was  made  passing  a  judgment  on  y*^  spirit  of  contention  y'  is  too 
"  much  gotten  up  amongst  us  and  a  tender  advise  to  all  the  conscious 
"  therein  &:c. 

"  I  went  afternoon  to  y*^  adjournment  of  y^  Yrly  Mtg  &  friends  had 
"  much  under  consideration  to  consider  how  to  propose  such  a  clause 
"  to  y^  P — (?  Parliament)  y'  all  may  be  easey.  G.  W.  proposed  two 
"  ways  :  y'  is,  y*  frds  may  not  be  obliged  to  repeat  y'=  words  after  a 
"  Clark  &c  but  only  to  answer  Yea  or  nae.  Or  otherwise — y'  as  (to) 
"y*^  later  part  of  y^  Solemn  Afirmation,  to  wit  y'=  witness  of  y^  truth 
"  &c,  may  be  left  out.     And  debates  arising  y""  Dissatisfied  frds  not  being 


17 13  ELIOT    PAPERS  51 

Siittisfied  with  these  proposals,  y"  Mtg.  adjorned  till  2nd  day  morning 

to  resume  y<=  matter." 

3.  4  mo.     "  Many  friends  appointed  delivered  there  opinion  v'  there 
was  no  likelyhood  of  getting  any  amendm'  to  y'^  Sol.  Afirmation  at 
'  present  &c."' 

5.  4  mo.  "  Afern.  again  at  y^  s^*  Mtg.  .  ,  .  y^  friends  appointed 
'  in  y'=  morning  bro'  in  there  report  and  advised  to  forget  and  forgive 
'  whats  past  &.  y*  love  may  increase  amongst  us  &c." 

6.  4  mo.  "  Afternoon  went  to  change  &  to  adjornmt  of  y'^  Yrly  Mtg. 
'&  it  was  proposed  by  our  frd  G.  Whitehd.  y'  a  free  conferance  might 
'  be  entered  Into  between  y"^  frds  satisfied  with  y^  solemn  afirmation  & 
'  y'=  Dissatisfied,  whereby  he  doubted  not  but  y'  he  could,  thro'  y'=  Lord's 
'  assistance,  prove  y'  its  no  more  than  what  y«  Apostles  &  holymen  did 
'practice  &.  our  ainchant  frds.  did  approve  of:  &  whereas  some  did 
'  afirm  it  was  more  than  yea  or  na  he  desired  they  might  prove  there 
'  assertions,  which  they  at  all  times  and  this  Day  declined  &.  offered 
'  weak  arguments  &c  &  y'  it  was  as  they  pretend  more  from  conviction 
'  then  otherwise." 

I  have  not  observed  any  further  reference  to  the  subject,  and  I 
suppose  that  this  strong  position,  taken  up  by  a  leader  of  such  eminence 
as  George  Whitehead,  tended  to  settle  the  matter,  and  that  the 
"  Dissatisfieds  "  quietly  gave  way. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY,    1712-13 

THE  PEACE  OP  UTRECHT 


-•We  must  now  return  to  1712. 

■  "lO.  5  mo.  1712.  "We  was  up  after  12  at  night,  y"  Mob  being  up  and 
"  candles  burning  in  our  neighbours  windows  till  then  on  ace'  of  Dunkirk 
"  being  put  into  our  hands  &c." 

30.  6  mo.  "  to  y-'  coffee  house  &  to  y«  sword  blade  office." 
P.B.  appears  to  have  had  frequent  business  at  this  office  :  but  I  can 
throw  no  light  upon  its  nature.  It  certainly  would  not  be  in  any  way 
connected  with  warlike  weapons. 

2.  7  mo.     "  Fast  day  on  ace',  of  y'^  Fier  of  London. 

24.  7  mo.  17 12.     "  Went  to  y«  Gen'.  Court  of  y^  S.  Seas. 

21.  8  mo.  "  W.  Powel  died  this  day  &  buried  at  night."  On  another 
occasion  we  find  P.B.  going  "about  II  at  night"  to  see  a  friend's  body 
deposited  in  a  vault  at  Bunhill  Fields. 

31.8  mo.  "  Met  with  y*"  friends  about  building  a  New  Meeting  house 
"at  Tatnam"  (Tottenham).  This  agrees  with  the  recorded  date  of  the 
building  of  the  present  Meeting  House,  so  familiar  to  those  who  were 
educated  at  the  well  known  school  at  "  Grove  House."  Peter  Briggins 
probably  lived  to  see  it  completed  in  17 15. 

Mariabella  Bleak  ("Great  Bell")  is  evidently  now  living  with  them, 
and  apparently  three  of  the  daughters  are  at  school  at  Plaistow.    Peter 


54  ELIOT   PAPERS  I713 

Briggins'  business  frequently  takes  him  to  various  Coffee  Houses,  not 
only  on  his  own  account  but  for  "friends'  afaires,"  and  we  find  him  often 
attending  at  attorneys'  offices  to  "  make  up  the  diferance "  between 
litigants.  He  seems  to  have  been  constantly  welcomed  as  a  friendly 
arbitrator.     What  higher  testimony  could  be  given  to  his  character  ? 

"  Blessed  are  the  Peacemakers  for  they  shall  be  called  the  children 
of  God." 

We  meet  with  various  mentions  of  one  Capt.  Bowry.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  this  may  be  the  "  T.B."  who  has  left  a  most  valuable  MS 
account  of  travels  in  the  Eastern  Seas  in  the  XVH  Century,  and  that 
this  unique  volume  may  have  been  given  to  Peter  Briggins,  in  gratitude 
for  his  kindness  to  the  writer  or  his  widow.     (See  Appendix  C). 

4.  2  mo.  17 13.  "Last  night  a  Messenger  came  with  y^  treaty  of 
"  Peace  signed  by  y^  French  &  y<=  Confederates  except  y^  Emperor,  and 
"  y<=  Mob  was  very  Rude  &  broak  y^  windows  of  those  y«  put  not  out 
"  candles — but  we  escaped." 

23.  2  mo.     "  Y^  Mob  out  &  our  Nabrs.  set  out  candles." 

5.  3  mo.  "  In  y«  morning  at  Guildhall  &  at  General  Court  at  y<=  Bank. 
"  Ye  Peace  was  this  day  proclaimed  between  France  and  England  and 
"great  Mobin  (mobbing)  about.  Our  neighbour  Leaf  had  about  100 
"  lights  out.     W'  to  bed  about  I  a  clock." 

6.  3  mo.     "  Severall  frds  windows  much  broak  by  y^  Mob." 

14.  3  mo.  "  bought  9  bags  of  old  hops  for  my  wife."  Was  this  for 
the  family  brewings  or  a  speculation  on  account  of  her  "  separate 
estate  "  ? 

16.  3  mo.  "  My  wife  went  this  morning  to  Plaistow  and  brought 
"  home  o''  daughters  Mercy  &  Susanna."  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
end  of  their  school  days.  "Mercy"  was  about  17,  and  "Susanna" 
about  16. 

II.  4  mo.  "  My  wife  &  all  our  children  &  M.  Bleak  went  in  a  coach 
"  to  Plaistow  &  left  Hannahbella  &  Gulielma  at  John  Peacock's.  It 
"  driseled  most  of  the  day  small  rain." 


1713  ELIOT   PAPERS  55 

4.  5  mo.  "  Noat.  There's  great  preparations  in  Smithfield  with  many 
"great  Images  Representing  Gog  &  Magog  is  to  be  illuminated  next  3rd 
"  day  being  y^  day  called  Thanksgiving  Day  on  ace'  of  y^  peace  with 
"  France.  As  also  mighty  preparations  in  Lighters  to  be  performed  as 
"on  y'  night  on  y«=  Thames." 

6.  5  mo.  17 13.  "In  y*  morning  went  with  my  nab''  Butcher  to 
"  y^  Bank  &  to  y^  Coffee  house.  Aftern.  went  with  my  Dafters  M.  &  S. 
"  &  S.  Hewit  &  saw  y«  Preperation  for  y«  Fier  works  on  y'=  Thames  &  y'= 
"  tumbs  (tombs)  at  Westminster  Hall  &  hous  of  Lords  &  Commons. 

7.  5  mo.  17 13.  "Great  mobbing  &  Fireworks  on  y*=  Thames  &  in 
"  Smithfield  for  y^  Thanksgiving  (as  they  call  it)  on  ace'  of  y<=  Peace." 

15.  5  mo.  (July)  "This  is  y'  called  St.  Swithin's  day:  fair  till  ab'  8 
"  in  morning :  it  miseled  &  raj^ned  small  rayne  till  about  3  after  n  : 
"  y<=  evening  after  clear  &  sunshiny." 

20.  5  mo.  "  Our  Daughters  Mercy  &  Susse  went  to  Eliz  Hopcraft  to 
"  raise  paste."  Their  school  education  being  apparently  completed  they 
were  to  study  the  more  useful  branches  of  knowledge. 

8.  6  mo.  (August)  "  Noat.  It  rained,  I  think,  more  or  less  this  week 
"  either  day  or  night.  Its  a  very  wet  Season.  I  had  no  new  hony  come 
"  as  yet." 

15.  6  mo.  "All  this  week  fine  pleasant  wether  bread  fallen  2d.  a  peck 
"  by  reason  thereof.  Noat.  a  h  peck  loaf  for  2  weeks  past  was  at  I4d. 
"  now  at  13d." 

2.  8  mo.  1713.  "  At  y^  Bull  Meeting  G.  Whitehead  &  another  friend 
"  spk  ...  as  its  recorded  of  John  y^  beloved  Disciple  y'  when  he 
"  was  grown  old  &  forced  to  be  led  to  y^  assembly  of  God's  people — 
"  in  y'  day  his  sermant  was  short.  Little  Children  or  Dear  Children  love 
"  one  another,  &  as  its  said  being  asked  why  he  always  used  y'  exhorta- 
"  tion,  his  answer  was  y'  if  they  abode  in  y^  true  faith  &  loved  one 
"  another  it  was  y«  substance  of  all  Religion,  for  without  Charity  &  true 
"  love  all  is  as  nothing." 

15.  8  mo.  17 13.  "went  with  my  fa.  (father  in  law)  T.F.  to  y<=  Election 
"  of  Parliament  men  at  Guildhall." 

II.  9  mo.  "  W'  to  y<=  S.  Sea  house  &.  p''.  for  &  accepted  of  500 
"  S.  S.  Stock  for  o'  M.  Bleake." 


56  ELIOT    PAPERS  I713 

25.  9  mo.     "  bo'  a  Ticket  for  M.  Bleake"  evidently  in  a  Lottery. 
19.  10  mo.     "  at  frds  burying  ground  abo'  considering  whether  it  was 
"proper  to  bury  in  y«  Old  Ground  formerly  bury'^  in." 

3.  12  mo.  1713.  (February  1713/14)  "  Noat :  there  was  for  3  or 
"  4  days  a  great  Runn  on  y^  Bank  by  Reason  of  a  noyse  about  y^^ 
"  Pretender  &  also  of  y<=  Queens  not  being  well — which  occasioned  their 
"  calling  in  20  p.  ct.  of  those  y*  circulated  exchequer  bills." 

6.  12  mo.  17 13/14.  "Candles  &  bonfiers  on  ace' of  Queen  Ann's 
"  hearth  day." 

14.  12  mo.  (Sunday)  "  I  &  Susse  &c.  went  to  Plaistow  to  see  H.  & 
"  G.  &  w'  to  y^  Mtg."  (Then  follow  long  accounts  of  the  sermons). 
"  We  walkt  it  thither  &  back  to  Algate  almost,  &  my  w  &  M  met  us  & 
"  came  home  in  a  coach  to  Aldersgate  St." 


CHAPTER    Xlll. 

PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY,    1714.     DEATH   OF   QUEEN 

ANNE,   &C. 


9.  I  17 14.  '■  Went  to  see  Jo"  Hall  &  wife  in  y^  Fleet."  There  is  no 
indication  how  this  couple  found  their  way  into  this  ancient  prison. 

3.  3  mo.  1714.     "Our  Thos.  not  well,  was  let  blood." 

4th  5th  &  6th     "  Thos.  not  well." 

8th.     Dying  messages  left  by  the  sick  man. 

II.  3  mo.  "In  y^  morning  about  6  a  clock  my  man  Thos.  Barber 
"  departed  this  life  after  ab^  10  days  ilness  of  a  fevour." 

13.  3  mo.  "  Went  with  my  wife  to  y"  Peel  to  y^  Mtg.  appointed  for 
"y<=  Buriall  of  my  man  Thos.  Barber.  It  was  very  full."  (Sermons 
given). 

24.  3  mo.  "  This  evening  John  Andrews  came  to  live  with  me  as  a 
"  servant." 

29.  3  mo.  "  Y<=  Bells  was  rung  pritty  much  &  y"  Gunns  fiered  off 
"  but  y^  evening  quiate  with  Illuminations."    (King  Charles  IPs  birthda}')- 

17.  5  mo.  17 14.  "  Went  to  Capt.  Silk's  &  gave  him  2  guineas  for  his 
"  kindness  to  me  &  frds  in  his  beat."  This  quite  confirms  the  idea  put 
forward  on  page  37. 

30.  5  mo.  (July)  17 14.  "In  y"  evening  went  to  Change  to  Inquire 
"  abo'  y'^  news  but  could  hear  but  little  certaine." 

31.  5  mo.  "In  y'=  morning  w'  to  y"  coffee  hous  to  inquire  about 
"  y'^  news  &  y^  report  was  y^  Q.  was  dead  &  it  continued  till  noon 
"  y<=  same  reported,  tho'  with  some  not  believed.  In  y«  evening  it  was 
"  believed  she  was  a  little  revived  &  I  hope  may  recover  if  God  sees 
"  it  good." 


58  ELIOT    PAPERS  1714 

1.  6  mo.  1714.  (After  full  description  of  the  iMeeting  at  "y^^  Bull") 
"  this  morning  about  40  minutes  past  7  its  s^  Q..  Ann  dyed  &  ab'  2,  y^ 
"  Elector  K.  George  was  proclaimed  King  at  Charin  X  &  Temple  Barr 
"  at  3  &  at  5'*^  Exchange  ab'  5,  y'=  gunns  going  off  &  I  saw  y'=  flag  out  at 
"  y^  Tower,  all  things  very  still. ' 

7.  6  mo.  "  All  things  peaceable  and  quiet  and  a  general  satisfaction  in 
"  o""  new  King.     South  Sea  &  Bank  &  India  advanced." 

9.  6  mo.  W.  Tibey  sent  for  me  to  y'=  Cotfee  House  &  told  me  a  very 
"  melancholy  story  &c." 

I  suppose  that  this  unfortunate  relative  had  got  into  debt.  There  are 
almost  daily  notes  after  this  of  going  hither  and  thither  about  W.  Tibey's 
business. 

18.  7  mo.  "  This  afternoon  ab'  6  or  7  a  clock  King  George  landed  at 
"  Greenwich.  The  great  gunnes  went  off  &  bonfires  &  illuminations, 
"&c." 

2.  8  mo.  17 14.  "  In  y'=  morning  at  home — about  12  a  clock  went  to 
"  y'=  Chamber  &  met  frds  appointed  to  deliver  our  address  to  y«  King." 

4.  8  mo.  "  In  y'^  morning  w'  with  G.  Whitehead  &  severall  frds  (ab' 
"  40)  with  o'  address  to  y^  King  &.  had  audience  of  y^  Prince."  I  beheve 
that  this  is  a  regular  observance  with  the  Friends  on  the  accession  of  a 
new  monarch.  I  remember,  as  a  child,  finding  some  silver  buckles  for 
fastening  knee-breeches,  and  being  told  that  they  were  what  my  Father 
had  worn  when  he  went  with  the  Deputation  to  present  an  address  to 
Queen  Victoria  on  her  accession. 

20.  8  mo.  (October)  1714.  "  K.  George  crowned  this  day — a  fine 
"  pleasant  day." 

23.  8  mo.  "  Memorandum.  On  y^  King's  Coronation  day  there  was 
"  such  numbers  of  people  &  high  scafTolds  builded  up  over  some  houses 
"  y*  tis  said  8  scaffolds  fell  down  &  killed  ab'  20  people  and  wounded 
"  near  100  more." 

14.  II  mo.  (January)  1714/15.  "Went  to  see  y*=  DredfuU  fier  it 
"  began  last  night  near  Bear  Kay  (quay)  which  burnt  &  distroyed  near 
"  100  houses  &  warehouses  &  much  goods.  It  burnt  up  towards  Tower 
"  St.     It  was  a  melencoly  sight." 


17 14 — I?  15  ELIOT   PAPERS  59 

15.  II  mo.  "We  have  a  dredfuU  ace'  of  y<^  damages  done  by  y'=  fier 
"  5th  day  night  &:  about  20  men  found  dead  by  blowing  up  of  houses,  &. 
"  many  wounded  &,  in  ye  hospitalls  y'  had  arms  &  Hmbs  broke,  besides 
"  20  persons  that  were  in  y^  houses  when  y^  powder  first  blew  up." 

21.  II  mo.  "  I  &  my  w  (wife)  M.  &  S.  w'  to  see  y"  Desolation  made 
"  by  y^  fier." 

Such  an  outburst  of  fire  must  have  caused  intense  alarm,  while  many 
were  still  living  who  could  remember  the  Great  Fire  of  London  48 
years  before.  Apparently  the  authorities  must  have  quite  lost  their 
heads,  and  begun  blowing  up  houses  before  the  inhabitants  were  out  of 
them  or  the  crowd  cleared  away  from  the  immediate  neighbourhood.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  it  had  been  found  in  1666  that  the  blowing  up 
of  houses  was  the  only  means  of  stopping  the  fire  until  the  wind 
changed.  Pepys  and  his  friends  saved  the  Navy  Office  and  their  own 
homes  by  getting  a  gang  of  dockyard  men  and  blowing  up  a  number  of 
houses. 

27.  II  mo.  "I  went  to  Branford  to  pole  for  Barber  &  Austin  &  at 
"home  about  8.  At  night  y^  High  Church*  very  rampant  &.  a  great 
"  difliculty  to  come  to  pole." 


CHAPTER    XIV. 
PETER  BRIGGINS'  DIARY.   1715.     THE    PRETENDER 


22.  2  mo.  (April)  1715.  "This  morning  about  9  was  an  eclips  of 
ye  Sunn  altho'  it  was  a  clear  sunshiny  morning  it  was  about  y^  8th  of 
an  hour  so  dark  y'  we  could  see  very  little  &  was  forced  to  light 
candles.  ¥*=  Sunn  was  covered  over  &  looked  black  and  we  y'  time 
could  see  y'=  Starrs.  It  looked  Hkc  moonshine  abroad  but  dark  in 
ye  shade.     I  never  saw  an  eclipse  like  this." 

24.  2  mo.  (April)  1715.  "Last  night  some  of  o^  naly^  put  out 
"candles,  bye  reason  thereof  y'^  Mobb  was  very  rude  &.  wicked,  swearing 
"  &  crying  out  '  High  Church  &  ye  D.  of  Ormond  '  and  broke  ours  & 
"  o''  Nab''  Darby's  &  other  nabours  windows  very  much."  * 

19.  3  mo.  "My  wife  went  with  little  Bella  to  see  Hannabella  and 
"  Gulielma  at  Plaistow." 

28.  3  mo.  "  Ye  bells  in  y'=  City  rung  pretty  much  &.  in  y<^  evening  was 
"borne  fires  (!  bonfires)  &  candles  out  except  at  3  or  4  H.  Chu  (sic. 
"  ?  High  Churchmen's,  see  note  below).  In  our  close  all  pritty  quiat  & 
"  no  mobbish  doings  on  ace*  of  King  Georg's  hearth  Day.  \'ery  hot 
"  weather." 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  public  opinion  was  much  divided  about  the  succession  to  the  throne  ;  and 
although  King  George  had  succeeded  on  the  death  of  Queen  Anne  without  any  actual  rising  of  the  adherents 
of  the  direct  descendants  of  the  Stuarts,  a  large  party  in  the  country  were,  at  heart,  Jacobite. 

In  Lord  Mahon's  History  of  England,  Vol.  I,  page  i8,  we  read:  "a  very  considerable  number  of  the 
High  Churchmen  began  to  cast  a  wistful  look  of  expectation  towards  St.  Germains,"  and  again,  page  47,  "of 
the  Members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Jacobites  could  reckon  on  Secretary  Bromley,  and  the  Dukes  of  Buckingham 
and  Ormonde." 


62  ELIOT   PAPERS  1715 

29.  3  mo.  N.B.  "  Our  trained  bands  went  out  this  evening  &  was 
"  out  all  night,  y":  neighbourhood  set  out  candles  &  y^  Mob  was  very 
"  rude  in  Smithfield."  (King  Charles  IPs  birthday,  otherwise  called 
"  Royal  Oak  Day.") 

4.  4  mo.  "  To  buy  some  Tea  for  my  Bro."  This  was  doubtless  a 
great  luxury.  We  can  wish  that  he  had  noted  the  price  of  tea  as 
carefully  as  he  used  to  record  the  price  of  hops. 

8.  4  mo.  17 15.  "  Y^  private  Comity  of  Park'  made  their  report  this 
"  day  relating  to  y^  Peace  &c.  y^  evening  quiet." 

16.  4  mo.  "  I  saw  y^  French  Schoolmaster  whipt  by  y*^  change  for 
"  speaking  treasonable  words  against  y  King." 

We  now  begin  to  hear  again  of  the  Pretender.  It  is  very  interesting 
to  see  the  events  of  "the  15"  with  the  eyes  of  a  London  Citizen. 

19.  5  mo.  (July)  1715.  "  Ab'  7  went  again  to  y'=  Coffee  House  in 
"  order  to  inquire  abt  y''  report  of  y<=  Pretender's  landing  in  Scotland." 

21.5  mo.  "  All  publick  Stocks  sunk  about  4  per  cent  &  last  night  & 
"  in  y'^  forenoon  was  a  g'  runn  on  y'^  Bank  afternoon  things  advanced  ab. 
"  I  pr.  cent." 

23.  5  mo.  "  All  stocks  fallen  near  8  p.  cent  on  acc«  of  y^  late  Riots 
"  &  a  Rumor  of  y^  Pretenders  coming  &c." 

26.  5  mo.  "  In  y"^  forenoon  about  lo  a  clock  I  went  with  M.  &  S.  & 
"great  M.B.  (M.  Bleak)  to  Hide  Park  to  see  y'=  soldiers — hors  &  foot 
"  encampt,  &  crossed  over  by  y*^  corne  fields  to  Chelsey  &  took  a  boat  to 
"  Wandsworth  &  dyned  there,  &  crossed  y"  cornefields  to  Battersey  & 
"  crossed  y^  Water  to  Chelsey  &  saw  there  lodging,  &  walkt  in 
"  y^  Carding  &:  so  home  by  Watter."  I  imagine  that  "  their  lodging " 
means  Chelsea  Hospital. 

I.  6  mo.  17 15.  "In  y^  evening  candles  out  &  bonfires  but  no 
"  Mobing." 

20.  6  mo.  (August)  1715.  "The  report  of  y'^  French  King's  death 
"  is  confirmed.  He  dyed  last  4th  Day  ab'  8  in  y'=  morning  (as  is  said)." 
This  was  a  mistake.     Louis  XIV  died  i  September  17 15. 

In  spite  of  the  serious  events  taking  place  in  the  great  outer  world, 
the  quiet  family  life  goes  on  as  usual.  "  My  wife  &  M.  &  S.  went 
"to  Highgate  to  dine."  "Our  folks  brewed  elder  metheglin  &c  this 
"  day." 


1715  ELIOT    PAPERS  63 

21.  7  mo.  ''Afternoon  to  change.  x\fairs  fallen  ah'  6  p.  cent  on 
"  commotions  relating  to  y''  Pretender  in  Scotland." 

24.  7  mo.  "  Fair  dry  weather  for  y'=  Season  Publick  things  fiillen  ab' 
"  8  p.  cent  on  account  of  y^  rising  on  behalf  of  y'  Pretender  in  Scotland." 

15.  8  mo.  "  Stocks  fallen  on  ace'  of  y«  Earl  of  Mar's  being  up  in 
"  Scotland.     Bank  125,  S.S.  (South  Sea)  93! ." 

20.  8  mo.  "  Bells  rung  &  cannon  went  off  on  account  of  y'=  coronation 
"of  King  George  :  y'=  evening  there  was  Illuminations  &  a  Bonfire." 

4.  9  mo.  "  The  evening  very  quiet :  no  candles  or  bonfires  here  but 
"  in  y<=  high  streets  our  trained  bands  were  out  this  night." 

5.  9  mo.  (November)  17 15,  "  In  y"^  evening  was  bonfires  &  4  ncigh- 
"  hours  set  out  candles  but  we  did  not.  Y'^  evening  prity  still  &  so 
"  y'^  night."     (Gunpowder  Plot  day). 

12.  9  mo.  "Publick  afairs  fallen  about  12  p.  cent  on  ace'  of  y'=  Rebell- 
"  ion  in  y""  North  &  y<^  Banks  calling  in  2. 20  pr.  cents." 

17.9  mo.     "  Y<=  Mob  very  mobish  in  y'=  City  &  4  or  5  shot  dead." 

19.  9  mo.  "  Stocks  advanced  about  8  p.  ct.  this  week  on  ace'  of 
"  ye  Rebels  being  defeated." 

26.  9  mo.  "  Severall  of  y*^  Dutch  forses  set  out  yesterday  in  order  to 
"travel  down  to  Scotland.  Bank  stock  ab'  123^,  S.S.  93-^  India  134 
"  there  is  a  Rep'  y^  Pretender  is  arrived  in  Scotland." 

9.  10  mo.  (December)  17 15.  "This  afternoon  y^  Rebels  in  number 
"  about  200  was  brought  in  2  or  3  Divisions  to  London,  &  some  put  in 
"  Nugate  &  Fleet  &  y'=  great  men  put  in  y<=  Tower." 

10.  10  mo.  "  ¥<■  Rebels  above  were  taken  at  Preston  with  about  1200 
"  more  but  these  200  were  y^  chiefest  men  of  noat.  Y"  weather  Cool  & 
"  frosty  for  many  days." 

And  so  ends  the  RebeUion  of  17 15,  and  we  pass  on  to  the  great 
frost. 


CHAPTER    XV. 
PETER  BRIGGINS'  DIARY,  1715.     THE   GREAT   FROST 


24.  10  mo.  (Dec.)  17 15.  "  I  at  home  all  day  v"  weather  extreme  cold 
"&  y'^  snow  that  fell  2"^  &  3*^  Day  h-es  on  y"  ground  prity  much.  In 
"  v'=  streets  bad  going  over  y'^  kinnels." 

31.  10  mo.  "  Our  Jo"  carried  by  2  porters  to  ye  Banyer  (?  bagnio  or 
"  Turkish  Bath)  by  reason  of  a  g'  cold  he  lost  y^  use  of  his  limbs." 

5.  II  mo.  (January)  1715/16.  "People  went  over  y^  Thames  on 
"y^  Ice." 

7.  II  mo.  O''  Jo"  with  much  difficulty  went  to  y''  Banyer.  Cold 
"  frosty  wether." 

"  Memorandum  :  I  went  down  to  Queenhithe  &  saw  several  Booths 
"  built  on  y'=  Ice  and  people  walking  to  &  fro  across  y'=  Thames." 

14.  II  mo.  "  My  wife  &  M.  &  S.  went  to  y«  Thames  &  saw  severall 
"  booths  like  a  street  built  on  y<=  Thames:" 

21.  II  mo.  "afternoon  I  went  to  London  Bridge  &  saw  booths  & 
"  shops  as  farr  as  y"  Temple  but  they  say  there  is  booths  to  Chelsey,  & 
"  below  Bridge  from  about  y=  Tower  booths  &  many  huts  &  people 
"  crossed  over.     There  was  they  say  2  oxes  rosted." 

28.  II  mo.  "It  hath  moderately  thawed  &  I  hear  this  day  many 
"  boats  was  on  y'  Thames." 

In  reading  these  accounts  of  fairs  formerly  held  on  the  ice  of  the 
Thames,  it  is  not  necessary  to  conclude  that  the  frost  was  more  severe 
than  has  occurred  in  our  own  times,  for  the  diflference  really  lies  in  the 
change  in  London  Bridge.  Old  London  Bridge  consisted  of  a  great 
number  of  narrow  arches,  which  stopped  the  floating  ice  of  the  river  and 
caused  it  to  pack  into  a  sohd  mass  above  and  below  the  Bridge.  The 
N 


66  ELIOT    PAPERS  1715 

wide  arches  of  the  present  bridge  allow  the  masses  to  pass  freely  up  and 
down  with  the  tide  :  hence  the  extreme  rarity  of  the  ice  being  in  such  a 
condition  that  it  is  even  possible  to  cross  the  river  on  its  surface  : 
though  I  remember  some  winters  within  the  last  40  years  in  which  this 
was  said  to  have  been  done. 

6.  12  mo.  (February)  1715/16.  "  Severall  of  our  neighbours  set  out 
"  candles  &  y<^  Mob  very  noisy  but  did  little  damage  here  :  we  set  out  no 
"candles." 

16.  12  mo.  1715/16.  "I  &  my  wife  &  4  elder  children  w'  to  Marabel's 
"  wedding  at  y'=  Peel.  I  came  home  :  my  W  &c  w'  to  y^  dinner  at  J. 
"  Russell's."  The  bridegroom  was  Richard  Hutcheson,  or  Hutchenson, 
of  Goswell  St.,  Cripplegate. 

18.  12  mo.  1715/16.  "Our  Cos"  Marabel  went  home  this  evening: 
"  my  W.  &.  2  child"  went  with  her."  This  appears  to  be  the  end  of 
"  Great  Bell's  "  honeymoon. 

24.  12  mo.  (February)  1715/16.  "This  day  2  of  y"  Lords,  Derwent- 
"  water — "  This  entry  is  incomplete.  Our  Diarist  probably  intended 
to  learn  the  name  of  the  other  Lord  (Ken  mure)  who  was  executed  on 
Tower  Hill,  but  forgot  to  finish  the  memorandum. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

PETER   BRIGGINS'   DIARY,  1716.      THE   END    OF 
THE   DIARY 


15.  I  mo.  17 16.  "  My  wife  &  Susie  w*  this  morning  to  see  y^^  schoole 
"at  Tatenham." 

It  is  interesting  to  see  that  Tottenham  was  already  a  place  for  schools. 
In  the  next  century  there  were  several  well  known  schools  there,  not 
only  among  the  Quakers.  The  school  established  at  Bruce  Castle  by 
the  father  and  brothers  of  Sir  Rowland  Hill  enjoyed  considerable 
celebrity  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  XIX  century,  before  the  influ- 
ence of  Dr  Arnold  had  infused  a  new  spirit  into  our  great  Public 
Schools. 

22.  I  mo.  1 7 16.  "  In  y'=  morning  at  y<"  Bank — y'=  G.  (General)  Court 
to  declare  y'=  Dividend." 

3.  2  mo.  17 16.  "This  morning  my  Wife  went  with  Guli  to  Jo" 
"  W™^  at  Tatenham  &  agreed  to  give  16^  a  year  &  agreed  to  have 
"  Y"  Linen  home  &  y'=  spoon  when  she  comes  home." 

II.  2  mo.  "  W">  Meakins  came  this  evening  to  live  with  us  :  to  give 
"  him  6£  y^  1st  y''  &  advance  20s.  p''  y''  for  7  years — y'  is  y"  7th  y''  at 
"12;^  p.  y"'  &  to  have  a  covenant  as  from  my  other  servants." 

22.  2  mo.  "  afternoon  we  at  ye  Peel.  Bell's  Mother  spoke  concerning 
"&c."  I  suppose  this  means  the  bride's  mother-in-law,  for  Mariabella 
Bleak  seems  to  have  been  an  orphan. 

29.  2  mo.     "after  y"  Meeting  I  went  to  Tatenham  to  see  Gulli : " 

8.  3  mo.     "  at  y'=  Bank  about  y'=  circulation." 

18.  3  Mo.     "  My  w.  &  child;'  went  to  Jo"  W™^  with  little  Bell." 
N2 


68  ELIOT   PAPERS  1716 

Now  we  come  to  an  event  even  more  interesting  than  Great  Bell's 
wedding — namely :  the  first  love  affitir  among  Peter  Briggins'  own 
girls. 

26.  3  mo.  (May)  1716.  "to  y<'  yrly.  Meetingy.  Barber- s  fat h''  acqt''  us 
"  of  his  sons  intentions."  I  have  an  idea  that  this  is  not  the  only 
instance  in  Quaker  history  when  the  great  annual  gathering  has  been  an 
opportunity  for  match-making  ! 

28.  3  mo.  "J.B.  spake  his  mind  to  our  Da''  Mercy."  (A  marginal 
note  also  says  "J.B.  acq'  my  D"'  M.  of  his  love  &c.") 

29.  3  mo.  "at  ye  yrly  Mtg.  G.W.  (George  Whitehead)  spk.  I  think 
near  2  hours  concerning  y'=  dealing  of  y"^  Lord  with  him  from  his  youth 
&  of  ye  soar  enemies  &  afflictions  y'  y^  Lord's  people  met  withall  in 
the  morning  of  his  day,  &  of  his  share  amongst  y"  (he  spake  not 
bostingly)  as  also  of  his  service  in  attending  on  y^  King  &  Govern- 
ment in  K.  Ch.  time  for  y^  Releas  offrd.  under  Preminer  (Praemunire?) 
(see  page  13)  as  also  his  labor  of  love  with  many  other  worthy  frds 
in  procuring  ease  relating  to  suferings  for  not  swearing  &c.  &  how  we 
ought  to  be  truly  thankful  to  God  &  y'^  Goverment  for  favours  receaved, 
&c.  He  concluded  y^  Meeting.  N.B.  As  I  came  home  I  met  a 
grate  many  Ordnary  men  with  bunches  of  Oak  in  there  hats  &  Clubs 
in  there  hands,  3  or  4  in  a  company." 

"  Ye  nab"  mostly  set  out  candles  but  we  none  this  n'  nor  last.  O''  gates 
was  shut  ab*  9  a  clock*  things  quiet.  Heatly  &  Dr.  Boterel  set  out 
candles." 

The  29th  of  May  was  the  birthday  of  Charles  II,  and  the  bunches  of 
oak  were  in  remembrance  of  the  Boscobel  Oak.  These  "ordnary  men" 
were  humble  adherents  of  the  Jacobite  party.  The  day  probably 
suggested  to  Geo.  Whitehead  the  subject  of  his  interesting  sermon. 

8th  &  9th  4  mo.  17 16.  Our  Diarist  relates  how  he  was  taken  ill 
with  violent  internal  pains,  for  which  he  took  Daffy's  Elixir,  and  a  little 
"  surfeit  water." 

II.  4  mo.  1716.  "at  y<^  Coffe  house  &  advised  with  Dr.  ffreman 
"abt  my  Distemper." 

*  Bartholomew  Close  was  a  true  "  Close  "  with  the  entrances  guarded  by  gates  (being  the  precinct  of 
the  Priory  of  St.  Bartholomew,  alienated  at  the  Reformation)  -.  when  these  were  shut  the  City  mob  would  be 
kept  out.  One  of  these  gates  remains  near  Great  St.  Bartholomew's  Church,  and  one  or  two  more  in 
p.issages  running  into  Long  Lane. 


Ijl6  ELIOT   PAPERS  69 

Apparently  it  was  the  custom  for  the  doctor  to  sit  at  the  Coffee 
House  and  receive  his  patients.  In  picturing  to  ourselves  London  life 
at  this  time  the  Coffee  House  must  take  a  most  prominent  place.  It  was 
the  universal  place  of  meeting  for  business,  for  gossip,  for  intellectual 
society  and  for  the  day's  news.  It  combined  the  functions  now 
discharged  by  the  Merchant's  Office,  the  West  End  Club,  the  Doctor's 
Consuhing  Room,  and  the  newspaper.  A  few — a  very  few —  of  the  old 
rooms  remain  much  as  they  were,  but  they  are  fast  disappearing.  The 
internal  fittings  of  the  celebrated  "  Cock "  at  Temple  Bar  were,  very 
wisely,  reinstated  in  a  room  of  its  successor  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Strand  when  the  old  building  was  pulled  down,  and  the  visitor  can  form 
some  idea  of  the  appearance  of  the  original  room  with  its  carved  mantle- 
piece  and  narrow  mahogany  tables  divided  from  each  other  by  high 
partitions  surmounted  with  curtains  on  brass  rods.  The  London 
citizen  or  "wit"  of  the  XVIII  century  does  not  seem  to  have  cared 
much  for  light  or  air ;  for  the  Coffee  Houses  which  remained  till  the 
present  century  have,  without  exception,  dark,  low-ceihnged  rooms, 
wonderfully  warm  and  cosy  in  winter,  but  very  close  in  summer.  Many 
which  remained,  little  altered,  30  years  ago  have  now  disappeared. 

16.  4  mo.  17 16.  "Yesterday  afternoon  J.  Barber  w'  with  R'^.  How 
"  towards  Dover."  ■*  Here  we  have  another  lover  coming  on  to  the  scene. 
It  is  amusing  to  picture  the  accepted  lover  of  Mercy  and  the  anxious 
suitor  for  Susanna  riding  together  and  to  imagine  their  mutual 
confidences.  "  O''  children  "  seem  to  have  been  very  attractive  girls,  for 
they  all  married  well,  and  two  of  them  early  in  life.  We  can  well 
beheve  that  the}'  carried  an  atmosphere  of  love  and  peace  from  the  old 
home — to  say  nothing  of  Bank  and  East  India  and  South  Sea  Stock  ! 

27.  4  mo.  17 16.     "  My  wife  brought  home  G.  &  little  Marabel." 

II.  5  mo.  "  My  wife  went  with  G.  &  Bella  to  Jon.  W'"^  at  Tatnam, 
"  having  been  at  home  2  wks.     Thos.  Hands  came  this  day  on  likeing." 

22.  5  mo.  "After  M'g  we  &  R.  Hutchison  &  wifet  went  to  Tatnam 
"  &  saw  G.  &  Marabel  &  so  home  all  y'=  way  on  foot." 

13.  6  mo.     "J.  Barber  came  after  noon." 

18.  6  mo.  "This  morning  our  Betty  Bower  departed  this  life  of 
"  y^  Smallpox  after  7  days  illness." 

*  J.  Barber  .iiid  R.  How  were  first  cousins, 
t  "  Great  Bell,"  see  page  66. 


70  ELIOT    PAPERS  1716 

20.  6  mo.  "  ab'  6  this  evening  my  wife  and  daughter  w'  to  7*=  Peel 
"  to  accompany  our  late  Betty  to  y'=  ground.  We  had  4  coaches. 
"  R.  Claridge  spk  at  y'=  Grave." 

25.  6  mo.  17 16.  I  at  home  aforenoon  after  went  to  change  &  to 
"y'^  Coffe  House  &  to  W"".  Okeys  to  bye  a  ticket  for  my  bro''  in 
"  y^  Dutch  Lottery." 

This  is  the  last  entry  in  the  Diary.  Doubtless  a  later  volume  is 
missing,  for  although  Peter  Briggins  does  not  appear  to  have  been  quite 
in  good  health  there  is  no  break  in  his  regular  habits. 

He  died  the  next  year,  on  the  27th  September,  17 17,  leaving  a  memo- 
randum for  his  "  dear  and  tender  children,"  which  we  may  regard  as  his 
spiritual  will  and  testament,  and  this  was  carefully  copied  out  by  each 
member  of  the  family,  so  that  several  copies  have  reached  us  besides  the 
original.  As  regards  outward  matters  he  evidently  left  his  wife  and 
daughters  with  no  small  provision  well  invested  in  freehold  property  and 
stocks.  His  widow  took  up  her  burden  with  the  spirit  which  we  should 
expect  from  the  daughter  of  such  a  mother,  and  she  also,  when  she 
passed  away  on  the  25th  January,  1756,  left  a  memorandum  of  loving 
advice,  written  a  few  years  after  she  lost  her  husband.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that  that  rather  stern  and  quarrelsome  old  gentleman,  John 
Eliot  (I)  seems  to  have  had  an  affectionate  regard  for  her,  mentioning 
her  in  his  account  books  as  "  Sister  Briggins." 


CHAPTER    XVII. 
PETER    BRIGGINS'   DAUGHTERS 


The  five  sisters  married  as  follows : — 

Mercy  Briggins — born  7  Aug.  1696 — married  on  the  26  Oct.  17 1'/ 
Joseph  Barber  of  Ampthill  "  who  hved  upon  his  estate  and  was  an 
intimate  acquaintance  of  the  late  Duke  of  Bedford  '" — (Note  by  the  late 
R.  How) — they  had  one  son,  Thomas  Farmborough  Barber,  and  four 
daughters,  but  the  family  died  out  in  the  next  generation. 

Susanna  Briggins'' — born  3  Sep.  1697 — married  Richard  Hoiv  oi 
Gracechurch  Street,  London,  and  of  Aspley  Guise  in  Bedfordshire,  on 
the  2  January,  17 17/ 18 — they  left  two  sons,  Richard  How  and  Briggins 
How — who  both  left  descendants,  but  none  of  the  name  of  How 
survive.  Briggins  How's  family  is  now  extinct,  and  Richard  How's 
family  is  represented  by  Dr  John  Gregory  White,  of  Bournemouth,  and 
his  children,  and  by  the  children  and  grandchildren  of  Silena  White,  who 
married  John  Shipley  EUis,  of  Leicester — these  are  all  descended  from 
R.  How's  daughter  Mariabella,  who  married  Gabriel  Gregory  White 
in    1796. 

Mr  F.  Lucas,  of  Hitchin,  has  kindly  sent  me  the  following  personal 
particulars  of  the  second  Richard  How,  which  were  given  him  by  the 
late  Richard  Edward  White,  R.  How's  grandson. 

*  In  the  Parish  Register  of  St.  Bartliolomew  the  Great,  the  birth  of  Susanna  Briggins  appears  on  the 
page  opposite  that  which  registers  the  baptism  of  William  Hogarth,  the  artist.  Just  below  is  the  birth  of  a 
child  "  next  door  to  Mr  Briggins  the  Quakers."  A  careful  study  of  these  Registers,  which  have  only 
recently  come  under  my  notice,  might  reveal  many  other  mentions  of  the  family. 


72  ELIOT   PAPERS 

"  He  did  not  make  the  appearance  of  a  Friend,  but  wore  a  shovel  hat 
"and  a  claret  coloured  coat:  rose  early,  breakfasted  at  6  by  himself: 
"always  smoked  one  pipe  of  tobacco  before  breakfast.  His  other  meals 
"  he  took  with  the  family :  kept  a  diary  in  shorthand,  which,  as  also  his 
"  very  copious  Adversaria,  the  late  W™.  Fitzhow  destroyed.  When 
"  Richard  How  walked  out  which  he  regularly  did  for  exercise  whenever 
"  the  weather  permitted,  he  had  a  handsome  full  wig,  and  always  walked 
"  some  little  distance  in  advance  of  anyone  who  might  happen  to  accom- 
"  pany  him." 

Other  papers  and  letters  which  have  come  under  my  notice  show  him 
to  have  been  a  man  of  great  culture,  and  of  such  high  character  as  to  be 
held  in  much  reverence  by  those  who  knew  him.  It  would  be  well  if 
some  account  of  his  life  could  be  published.  His  correspondence  was 
copious  and  his  handwriting  of  unusual  beauty.  His  large  library  (partly 
inherited,  I  believe,  from  his  father)  was  rich  in  old  Bibles  and  decorated 
with  valuable  china. 

Hannahbella  Briggins,  born  9  Oct.,  1701 — married  John  Bell  of 
Lombard  Street,  Merchant,  on  the  6  Aug.,  1740,  and  died  without 
issue. 

Gulielma  Briggins,  born  27  June,  1704 — married  Daniel  Zachary, 
"  Citizen  and  Skinner  and  Lord  of  the  Manor  of  Areley  Kings  in 
Worcestershire,"  on  March  i,  1734/5.  She  died  without  issue  in  1745, 
and  he  married  again.  From  his  second  marriage  were  descended  the 
Zacharys  of  Areley  Kings,  who  are  now  represented  by  Sampson 
Zachary  Lloyd,  of  Areley  Kings,  and  the  Zacharys  of  Cirencester  and 
elsewhere.  His  second  wife  was  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Henry  Clark, 
of  Chipping  Norton,  Oxon. 

Mariabella  Fartnborough  Briggins,  born  23  February,  1708/9 — 
married  on  the  1 1  April,  \']'^\,John  Eliot,  (II),  of  Garlick  Hill,  London, 
(see  part  I,  page  8). 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 
FAMILY   LETTERS   AND    PAPERS,   1709,  &c. 


Peter  Briggins  to  his  daughters  at  school.  (Mercy  was  13  years  old 
and  Susanna  12), 

"  Bartholomew  Close  y"= 
25  of  II  mo.  called  January  1709. 
"  Dear  Children 

Last  night  we  rec''  a  letter  from  you  as  also  something  y'  was 
"  acceptable  to  your  little  sisters  ;  we  are  glad  to  hear  you  are  well  as  we 
"  all  are  at  present  through  the  Lord's  great  goodness  :  as  to  what  you 
"  write  you  want,  your  Mother  designes  to  provide  and  also  to  come  to 
"  see  you  and  bring  them  with  hir  about  this  Day  weeke. 

"  Dear  Children  be  shure  to  fear  y^  Lord  &  live  in  love  &  be  ready  to 
"  assist  &  direct  each  other  &  strive  which  of  you  to  love  y^  other  best, 
"  &  then  your  buisness  will  goe  on  with  cherefuUness.  Do  not  forget 
"  your  verses,  but  often  hear  one  another  say  them  and  consider  of  them 
"  and  meditate  on  them,  and  it  will  be  no  hinderance  to  you  in  other 
"  afairs,  &;  in  Doing  and  observing  those  things  y'=  Lord's  blessings  will 
"  be  great  &  manyfold  unto  you,  &  you  will  be  your  Mothers  &  my 
"  comfort,  and  in  true  love  to  you  I  remain  Your  loving  Father 

Peter  Briggins 
"  Our  loves  is  to  your  Mr.  &  Mrs.  &  to  all  y«  family. 
"  I  have  bought  for  3'ou  2  prity  J  pint  mugs     Your  Mother  designes 
"  to  bring  them  with  hir. 

"  I  have  sent  you  some  chesnuts." 

Addressed  "  to  Mercy  &.  Susanna  Briggins." 


74  ELIOT    PAPERS  I7IO 

"  Bartholomew  Close 
2<^  Day  about  1 1  a  clock 
afoarnoon  y"^  19  of  12  mo.  17 10. 
"  Dear  Children 

"  This  may  let  you  know  y'  I  got  well  home  last  night  &  we 
"  are  all  through  y"-'  Lords  goodness  well  in  health  except  your  Cousin 
"  Marabel. 

"  I  desire  you  may  retaine  in  you  minds  ye  good  advise  y'  we  hear  at 
"  Meetings  :  y*^  friend  spoake  yesterday  concerning  y'  we  all  come  to 
"  know  a  labouring  in  y'=  Lord's  vineyard." 

"  Dear  children  live  in  love  &  be  ready  &.  wiUing  to  assist  each  other 
"  in  what  you  cann  &  do  not  expose  one  anothers  weakness  but  tell  one 
"  another  of  it  in  Love  &  tenderness. 

"  Your  Grandfather,  Uncle  &  your  Sisters  loves  is  to  you,  &  your 
"  Couzen  Marabels  love  is  to  you.  So  with  mine  &  your  Mother's  Dear 
"  love  to  you,  desiering  you  may  goe  forwards  with  your  work  with 
"  Chearfullness,  for  while  your  hands  are  about  your  works*  your  minds 
"  may  be  on  the  Lord  &  on  those  things  which  will  be  to  y"'  comfort  & 
"  well  being  for  ever,  &  often  as  you  have  time  read  in  your  books  & 
"  consider  of  what  you  have  learned  &  read  &  do  not  let  good  things 
"  slip  out  of  your  minds. 

"  So  with  my  Dear  love  to  you  :  I  remaine  Your  Loving  father 

Peter  Briggins." 

"  Our  loves  is  to  yo''  Mr.  &  Mrs.  &  to  Edith  &  to  all  y^  family.  I  have 
"  sent  you  a  Puff:  I  had  2,  but  I  tho'  you  s'^  you  did  not  much  matter(?) 
"  them.  So  I  have  sent  you  one  &  yC  sisters  had  y^  other.  Warm  it 
"  before  y'=  fyer.  We  have  no  white  pudings  nor  oat  cakes  at  present : 
"  when  we  have,  I  think  to  send  you  some." 

PETER    BRIGGINS'    PARTING   ADVICE   TO    HIS    CHILDREN. 

On  the  original  is  written,  "  I  desire  my  children  may  read  often  & 
"  keep  copies  of  y^  same  by  them." 
"  Dear  and  Tender  Children, 

"  First,  live  all  in  a  fear  of  offending  almighty  God  your 
"  Creator  Sc  mind  the  witness  of  God  in  your  own  Consciences  that  will 

'  Apparently  much  of  their  time  was  spent  in  needlework. 


l-JlG  ELIOT   PAPERS  75 

"  teach  and  guide  to  use  all  things  in  this  World  to  his  Glory ;  which 
"above  all  things  in  this  World  have  a  special  regard  unto,  &  in  so 
"  doing  God's  Blessings  will  be  on  you  here  &  hereafter  :  as  to  what 
"  Worldly  Estate  it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  give  me  which  I  leave  you 
"to  enjoy;  be  not  puft  up  in  Pride  and  in  Vain  Glory,  but  rather  be 
"  Humble ;  for  the  Lord  gives  grace  to  the  Humble ;  and  esteem 
"  all  as  great  mercies,  as  through  the  Lord's  Goodness  I  and  your 
"  dear  Mother  have  done,  to  be  partakers  of  the  Comforts  of  this  Life 
"  which  are  only  truly  enjoyed  in  the  Lord,  for  without  him  there  is 
"  no  true  satisfaction  in  any  thing ;  and  secondly,  have  a  dutiful  regard 
"  &  tender  Affection  to  your  tender  .Mother  &  in  so  doing  it  will  endear 
"  her  Love  to  you  the  more  which  will  be  to  her  and  your  great 
"  Comfort. 

"  Dear  Children  be  CarefuU  in  your  affairs  in  this  World  to  be  sparing 
"  in  your  Expences  that  you  live  not  beyond  your  Income,  for  I  have 
"  seen  many  that  have  had  much  of  this  World  left  them,  for  want  of 
"  a  diligent  Care  therein  have  come  to  be  poor  and  miserable ;  and  in 
"  Matters  of  great  Weight,  let  your  desires  be  to  the  Lord  to  direct  you ; 
"  and  as  to  Marriage  if  your  dear  Mother  be  living  advise  with  her  and 
"  also  take  the  advice  of  your  Relations  that  you  know  love  you,  and  of 
"  the  Overseers  of  my  Will  in  any  affiiir  of  moment,  and  as  to  Marriage, 
"  have  most  regard  to  one  that  truly  fears  the  Lord,  and  is  of  good 
"  Parentage,  and  hath  a  good  education,  and  Pretty  near  equal  Estate  as 
"  to  the  outward  :  And  I  Earnestly  desire  and  request  you  to  help  one 
"  another,  that  through  losses  or  disappointments  in  this  World  may  be 
"  reduced  to  Necessity :  do  not  shut  up  your  bowells  of  Compassion  to 
"  your  own  flesh  &  blood  but  succour  and  assist  them  as  Joseph  did  his 
"  Brethren.  If  you  live  in  his  fear  you  will  see  your  Duty,  first  to  the 
"  Lord  and  to  your  dear  and  near  Relations  especially  and  to  all  that 
"  may  want  assistance,  and  in  so  doing  the  Lord's  blessing  will  be  on 
"  you  all  abundantly ;  for  they  that  give  to  the  poor  lend  to  the  Lord 
"  and  he  will  repay  an  Hundred  fold  in  this  World,  and  in  the  World  to 
"  come  great  Riches  for  ever. 

"  My  Heart's  desire  &.  Breathing  to  the  Lord  is,  that  his  Blessing  may 
"  rest  on  all  and  every  one  of  you,  and  that  his  secret  arm  of  Power 
"  may  support  vou  through  all  troubles  &  difficulties  you  may  meet 
"withal  in  this  World,  and  in  the  end  give  you  an  entrance  into  his 


76  ELIOT    PAPERS  I716 

"  Heavenly  Kingdom,  where  I  hope  I  am  Travelling  towards,  and  shall 
"  attain  unto  &  receive  in  the  End  the  answer  of  well  done  good  and 
"  faithful  servant  enter  into  the  joy  of  thy  Lord ;  thou  hast  been 
"  faithful  in  a  little  I'll  make  thee  ruler  over  more,  and  as  it  is  the  desire 
"  for  myself,  it  is  the  same  for  you,  and  to  the  Lord  I  comend  you 
"  And  am 

"  your  truly  loving  aflFectionate  tender 
"  Father 
"  Peter  Briggins." 

From  Mariabella  Briggins  to  her  children. 
"  Dear  children 

"  Hertily  wishing  all  your  wellfaire  every  way  as  my  own 
"  both  here  and  hereafter  I  Desire  and  Recommend  to  you  that  you 
"  would  often  Read  over  your  Deare  Fathers  Good  advise  &  Counsell  to 
"  you  &  Pracktis  Itt  every  way.  Then  no  dought  But  God  Allmighty 
"  will  please  to  bestoe  His  Blessings  still  on  you  as  you  daily  put  up 
"your  sincere  Petitions  to  Him.  Our  Good  God  Hath  Promised  to 
"  Bee  a  Father  to  the  Fatherless  But  it  is  to  such  as  are  truly  Desirous 
"  to  Bee  His  Children.  If  His  Children  then  obeying  His  commands 
"  you  must  Love  the  Lord  your  God  with  all  your  Heart  &  one  another 
"  as  yourselves.  It  is  said  Blessed  are  the  Peace  Makers  for  they  shall 
"  Bee  called  the  children  of  God.  It  is  allso  said  God  will  Honnour 
"  them  that  Honour  Him.  Dear  children  consider  there  is  noe  Love 
"  nor  Honour  to  be  compaired  with  that  which  our  Good  God  Bestoes 
"  on  His  Children  That  truly  Fears  to  offend  Him.  For  it  is  Lasting 
"and  not  Changable  as  all  things  Here  beloe  are.  Theirfore  Deare 
"  Children  Pray  consider  that  you  take  care  to  doe  nothing  to  offend 
"  nor  Dishonour  soe  mercifuU  a  Father  &:  soe  compationate  &  gratious 
"  God  that  Hath  Daily  Provided  Plentifully  Every  way  for  you 
"  Hitherto,  Far  beyond  what  He  hath  beestowed  on  many  others. 
"  Dear  Children  I  hertily  Desire  you  may  be  truly  sensible  then 
"there  will  bee  grateful  acknowledgments  continually  in  your  Hearts 
"  admiring  the  wonderfull  Love  &  Kindness  of  God. 

"  Dear  Children  I  did  not  think  of  being  soe  Large  at  this  Time  But 
"  I  can  truly  say  It  is  in  y<^  abounding  of  True  Love  to  you  all.     For  I 


[725  ELIOT    PAPERS  77 

"  thought  to  have  Done  and  saidc  noe  more  after  this  manner  But  T 
"  thought  itt  my  duty  as  it  came  fresh  into  my  mind  to  Put  you  in  Mind 
"  of  our  Blessed  Saviour's  words  when  Hee  was  in  this  Trobelsom 
"world.  Though  Hee  went  up  &  down  doing  Good  yet  Hoe  was 
"  Reviled  &  they  spoke  all  manner  of  Evill  against  Him.  Then  what 
"  must  such  poore  creatures  expect  that  are  in  noe  comparison  to  Him 
"that  did  not  sinn  nor  guile  found  in  His  mouth.  But  Hee  knew  very 
"  well  what  Hee  said  when  Hee  told  His  Disciples  &  Followers  "  In  y^ 
"world  they  should  have  Trouble  But  in  Him  Peace"  as  we  Endeavor 
"to  keep  Him  our  Friend  by  no  wayes  olTending  Him  :  then  wee  may 
"  have  Hope  that  Hee  may  please  to  beare  us  up  over  all  our  Troubles 
"  if  we  doe  not  bring  them  willfully  on  your  selves  by  turning  your 
"  Backs  on  your  Good  Guide.     .     .     . 

"  Hee  is  all  sufficient  to  keep  &  preserve  you  safe  through  this 
"  Trobelsom  world  while  heare,  and  hearafter  conduct  you  to  Heaven  & 
"  Hapyness  for  evermore.  O  happy  Change — indeed  what  I  desire  for 
"  you  all  Dear  Children  as  for  my  own  soul  Faire  Well  in  y^  Lord." 

"  1725/6  February  y«  7th  This  Paper  wrote  by  Your  Dear  Mother 
"  in  true  love  to  you  all 

"  By  M.  Briggins." 
endorsed,  in  very  small  writing 

"  M.B's  privet  instructions." 

I  hope  that  my  readers  will  share  the  regret  which  I  feel  in  parting 
from  Peter  and  Mariabella  Briggins  and  their  five  daughters,  after 
spending  much  time  in  their  company.  It  was  evidently  a  happy  family 
bound  together  by  the  tenderest  love.  If  we  wish  to  know  how  the 
daughters  remembered  their  father's  loving  counsels  and  carried  them 
out  in  their  own  homes,  we  may  recall  the  description  of  "  little  Bell's  " 
short  married  life  on  page  10  of  Vol.  I.  "They  dearly  loved  each 
"  other  and  it  was  impossible  to  know  which  loved  best,  each  striving  to 
"  outdo  each  other." 


CHAPTER    XIX. 
THE    WESTON    FAMILY 


John   Eliot  married   Mary  Weston   14  August,   1762.     (See  Vol.  I. 

P-  79)- 

It  will  have  been  observed  from  the  remarks  in  the  first  volume  of 
these  papers,  p.  78,  that  I  accepted  as  authentic  a  pedigree  of  the  Weston 
family,  printed  some  thirty  years  ago  by  Miss  Ann  Stephenson,  a 
descendant  of  the  Westons.  According  to  this  pedigree  the  fomily  is 
traced  back  to  a  Bethel  Weston,  fifth  son  of  Richard,  the  first  Lord 
Weston,  and  Earl  of  Portland,  of  whom  we  read  so  much  in  Clarendon's 
History  of  the  RebeUion.  I  must  acknowledge  that  the  theory  possessed 
great  attractions.  It  was  very  tempting  to  trace  out  in  the  pages  of 
Clarendon,  Pepys,  and  other  contemporary  writers  the  story  of  the  rapid 
rise  and  almost  equally  rapid  fall  of  this  great  family,  and  to  picture  the 
youngest  son,  who  was  probably  by  rights  heir  to  the  title,  turning  his 
back  upon  camps  and  courts,  and  joining  the  followers  of  George  Fox. 
But  a  more  complete  examination  of  the  subject  compels  me  to  admit 
that  the  position  is  untenable.  All  the  accepted  authorities  such  as  the 
Heralds'  College,  Burke,  Doyle,  &c.,  give  a  list  of  the  sons  of  Richard 
Lord  Weston,  which  differs  most  materially  from  that  given  by  Miss 
Stephenson,  and  in  none  of  them  can  I  find  any  mention  whatever  of  a 
son  named  Bethel.  This  fact  alone,  however,  would  not  have  been  con- 
clusive to  my  own  mind,  for  we  know  that  the  pruning  knife  is  apt  to  be 
applied  unsparingly  to  noble  pedigrees,  and  the  slur  of  Quakerism  might 
be  quite  sufficient  to  cause  a  younger  son's  name  to  be  carefully  excised. 
But    unfortunately  for  the    theory    the    name    of   Bethel    (or    Bethell) 


8o  ELIOT    PAPERS  1636 

appears  clearly  to  come  into  the  Weston  family  from  quite  another 
quarter :  perhaps  not  less  honourable,  but  certainly  less  aristocratic — no 
"  perillustris  Dominus  Comes  Portlandiae "  but  a  sober  Quaker* 
non  comes  sed  amicus  I  Our  history  may  therefore  begin  with  that 
treasury  of  worthy  names,  "  Besse's  Sufferings  of  the  Quakers."  (Vol. 
II,  483.     Ireland,  1683). 

"  We  shall  next  subjoin  some  of  the  Names  of  eminent  Persons,  who 
"  on  the  Behalf  of  themselves  and  their  Brethren  were  admitted 
"  frequently  to  apply  to  the  Earl  of  Tyrconnell  and  who  by  their 
"  singular  Diligence  and  Christian  Courage  were  of  singular  Service  in 
"  advocating  the  cause  of  many  in  affliction  for  the  sake  of  their  religious 
"  Testimony  in  this  Kingdom,  viz — "  Then  follow  various  names 
including : 

"Thomas  Weston  of  New  Garden  near  Artley" — which  is  doubtless 
a  misprint  for  Athy,  Co.  Kildare. 

This  is  the  Thomas  Weston,  who  according  to  Miss  Stephenson  was 
son  of  a  Bethel  Weston,  youngest  son  of  the  first  Lord  Weston.  But 
the  Registers  of  the  Society  of  Friends  (in  Dublin),  which  may  usually 
be  accepted  as  accurate  authorities,  state  that  he  was  the  son  of  Edward 
Weston,  of  Banbury,  in  Oxfordshire — which  is  confirmed  by  the 
frequent  appearance  of  the  name  of  Edward  Weston  in  the  Parish 
Registers  of  Banbury  in  the  XVII  Century  (in  1650  he  appears  to  have 
buried  hvo  wives  I  one  in  May  and  one  in  December). 

Thomas  Weston  was  born  in  Banbury  19/1/1636,  and  appears  to  have 
moved  to  Ireland  early  in  life,  for  another  History  tells  us  that  he  was 
"  convinced "  of  the  principles  of  the  Society  through  some  Friends 
who  visited  Co.  Carlow  about  1657.  In  1660  he  married  Sarah, 
daughter  of  Bethell  Grimes,t  of  Burton  Dassett,  Warwickshire.  So  here 
we  find  the  origin  of  the  name  which  was  given  to  his  fifth  child  born 
14/10/1672. 

*  I  am  indebted  to  my  cousin,  Henry  How<ird,  of  Stone  House,  near  Kidderminster,  for  first  drawing  my 
.attention  to  these  corrections.  There  are  other  manifest  inaccuracies  in  Miss  Stephenson's  pedigree  which 
I  have  not  thought  it  wortli  while  to  enter  upon. 

i-  In  George  Fox's  Journals  we  meet,  in  1656  and  1660,  with  a  Colonel  Grimes,  apparently  a  Quaker, 
certainly  a  kind  friend  of  the  Quakers.  It  has  been  suggested  that  this  may  have  been  the  Bethell  Grimes 
in  question,  but  Col.  Grimes  certainly  lived  very  near  the  City  of  Gloucester,  and  Burton  Dassett  is  on  the 
further  side  of  Warwickshire.  There  seems  some  curious  connection  between  the  names  of  Grimes  and 
Graham,  for  a  well-known  family  in  Scotland  of  tlie  same  d.-ite  were  known  by  both  names.  (See 
"  Graham   or    Grimes "    in    Diet,    of   National    Biography). 


1636— 1695  ELIOT    PAPERS  81 

Bethell  Weston  married  (27/4/1693)  Deborah,  daughter  of  Peregrine 
Musgrave,  of  Haverfordwest.*  The  marriage  certificate  is  still  in 
existence  and  bears  the  signatures  of  various  Westons,  Musgraves,  and 
Lewises.  The  young  couple  settled  first  in  Dublin  and  afterwards 
moved  to  Haverfordwest.  Not  long  after  their  marriage  the  bride's  father 
addressed  to  them  a  letter  of  excellent  advice,  from  which  I  am  able  to 
give  some  extracts,  copies  having  been  carefully  handed  down  by  their 
descendants.  In  days  when  religious  literature  was  not  quite  so  multi- 
tudinous as  it  now  is,  it  was  the  custom  in  pious  families  for  succeeding 
generations  to  make  copies  for  their  own  use  and  edification  of  any 
family  paper  which  contained  specially  useful  exhortations.  This  was 
the  practice  as  we  have  seen  in  the  Briggins  family,  and  doubtless  in  many 
others.  These  papers  came  home  to  their  hearts  much  more  forcibly 
than  a  "  booklet " — one  of  many — which  is  read  and  then  put  aside  for 
another  and  then  another,  as  is  the  case  in  the  present  day. 

Haverfordwest,  the  14th  4  Mo.  1695. 
Dear  Be  and  Deb. 

"  I  need  not  tell  you  that  you  are  often  in  our  remembrance, 
I  suppose  you  are  not  ignorant  in  (of)  it,  but  can  no  less  than  tell 
you,  the  most  weighty  matter  that  rests  on  us  relating  to  you  is,  as  the 
Lord  has  been  good  to  your  Parents  in  visiting  them  in  the  morning 
and  breaking  forth  of  his  everlasting  Day,  and  has  in  a  large  measure 
preserved  them  through  many  trials  and  deep  exercises,  and  to  this 
very  moment  some  can  say  in  truth,  The  Glory  of  the  Lord  is  not 
departed  from  us.  Oh  !  this  is  more  than  words  or  bare  profession. 
And  now,  dear  Children,  the  present  concern  that  is  upon  me,  is  to 
mind  you  of  the  tender  care  that  your  Parents  had  over  you,  whilst 
you  were  under  their  tuition ;  and  now  are  you  separated  and  at  a 
distance  from  them,  and  if  you  be  not  mindful  of  the  Lord,  and  come 
to  be  seasoned  by  the  Truth,  you  will  be  carried  away  by  the  common 
stream  of  Vanity,  and  leavened  into  the  spirit  of  this  World  ;  which 
brings  inward  death  and  barrenness,  and  separates  from  the  enjoyment 
of  God's  presence ;  therefore,  dear  Children,  I  counsel  and  tenderly 
advise  you,  in  bowels  of  love,  to  be  inward  and  weightily  concerned  in 

*  Son  of  Ernestus  Musgrave,  of  Cardiganshire. 


82  ELIOT   PAPERS  1695 

your  spirits  before  the  Lord,  both  in  Meetings  and  elsewhere,  and 
settle  down  with  God's  Gift  in  yourselves,  and  be  sincere-hearted 
before  him ;  and  in  all  your  business  and  conversation  in  the  World, 
mind  the  seasoning  virtue  of  Truth,  that  you  may  be  preserved  sweet 
and  savory,  solid  and  weighty,  answering  the  witness  of  God  in  your- 
selves and  others  ;  and  as  you  are  thus  preserved  in  true  watchfulness 
in  thought,  word,  and  deed,  your  hearts  will  be  approved  in  secret, 
and  when  you  come  to  sit  in  a  Meeting,  the  Lord  will  be  near,  the  life 
will  spring  up,  and  the  unity  you  will  feel  which  all  the  faithful  are 
gathered  into,  and  it  is  sweet  and  precious,  and  the  increase  of  it  is  more 
to  be  travailed  for  and  valued  than  the  increase  of  all  outward  enjoy- 
ments. I  know  not  of  anything  in  this  world  that  I  more  desire  and 
earnestly  beg  of  the  Lord  before  I  go  hence,  than  to  see  you  and  the 
rest  of  my  Children  Hving  witnesses,  settled  and  grown  strong  in  the 
Truth,  having  on  the  whole  armour,  making  war  with  the  Enemy  in  all 
his  secret  appearances.  If  thus  you  be  found,  I  know  the  Lord  will 
bless  you,  and  as  to  the  outward,  I  am  satisfied  it  will  be  well.  My 
heart  is  tendered  at  this  time,  as  at  many  other  times,  in  the  remem- 
brance of  you,  and  if  I  never  see  your  faces  more,  this  I  leave  in 
charge  with  you,  be  sure  love  the  Lord  above  all  that  is  here  below, 
and  be  careful  in  all  things  to  answer  his  requirings.  Keep  carefully 
to  the  Meetings,  and  when  there,  have  an  eye  to  your  profitable 
exercise,  and  be  not  idle,  with  your  minds  abroad.  Be  sure  take  the 
counsel  and  advice  of  honest  Friends,  and  do  not  give  way  to  any 
prejudice  or  the  least  sweUing  in  the  secret  of  your  minds  against  any, 
though  there  might  offence  (as  appearing  to  you)  be  justly  given  you  ; 
yet  if  you  should  give  way  to  any  such  thing,  I  well  know  it  will  be  as 
a  secret  canker,  destroying  every  appearance  of  good.  I  commit  you 
to  the  Lord,  and  to  the  word  of  his  power  which  is  able  to  preserve 
you  to  the  end. 

"  I  desire  you  give  the  remembrance  of  my  dear  love  to  Rog''  Roberts, 
A.  Sharp,  A.  Strettle,  Ed.  Webb,  Evan  Bevan,  Will'"  Allen,  and  their 
several  Wives,  to  your  Father  &  Mother  Weston,  both  your  Bro.  and 
their  Wives,  and  to  other  friends  as  you  think  fit. 
"  I  conclude 

"  Your  loving  Father 
'  To  Bethell  Weston  "  P.  Musgrave 

Dubhn." 


1695  ELIOT   PAPERS  83 

Bcthell  and  Deborah  Weston  had  numerous  children,  some  of  whom 
died  in  infancy  (as  so  frequently  happened  in  those  days).  Two  of  the 
sons,  Peregrine  and  Edward,  settled  in  Philadelphia,  whither  also  some 
of  their  Musgrave  relations  proceeded.  At  the  end  of  the  family  came 
Daniel  Weston,  born  21  Sep.  1707,  and  Lewis  Weston,  born  1 7 10. 
These  two  brothers  appear  to  have  been  in  partnership  as  Coopers,  at 
Wapping.  Daniel  married  Mary  Pace,  daughter  of  Thomas  Pace,  of 
Southwark,  Linen  Draper,  and  of  her  we  shall  have  much  to  say 
presently.  He  died  in  1 755,  leaving  one  daughter  Mary,  born  at 
Wapping,  on  the  17th  August,  1743.  (See  Vol.  I,  pp.  73,  &c).  This 
httlc  orphan  Polly  in  due  time  became  the  wife  of  John  Eliot  III,  when 
she  was  about  19  years  old. 

Note. — I  do  not  know  the  date  of  Bethell  Weston's  death,  but  his 
widow  was  married  again  to  —  Thomas.  I  have  a  curious  letter  in  her 
handwriting  dated  25.  I  mo.  1745,  addressed  to  her  daughter-in-law, 
Mary  Weston  (nee  Pace)  beginning  "  Dear  Molsy."  It  is  signed  "  Deb. 
Thomas,"  and  endorsed  "  Mother  Thomas." 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Daniel  Weston's  family,  with 
which  we  have  most  to  do,  we  may  note  that  Lewis  Weston  afterwards 
settled  at  Walthamstow.  He  had  several  children,  one  of  whom,  Sarah, 
married  William  Dillwyn,  himself  an  ofTspring  of  the  Musgraves,  and 
thev  left  various  descendants. 


02 


CHAPTER    XX. 

MARY    WESTON 
A  "MINISTERING  FRIEND"  OF  THE  XVIII  CENTURY 


The  interest  of  the  Weston  family  in  this  period  centres  chiefly  in  the 
personahty  of  Mary  Pace,  who  married  Daniel  Weston  on  the  29th  Oct. 
1 741.  She  must  have  been  for  many  years  a  conspicuous  figure  among 
the  Society  of  Friends;  and  her  son-in-law,  John  EHot,  has  been 
careful  to  preserve  her  Journals,  which  he  copied  into  a  large  folio 
volume.  These  Journals  are  so  voluminous  that  it  is  impossible  to  do 
more  than  to  give  a  brief  outline  of  their  contents,  but  those  who  are 
interested  in  the  history  of  the  American  Colonies  in  the  middle  of  the 
XVIII  century  would  find  them  worthy  of  very  careful  study.  It  may 
be  well  to  say  at  once  that  they  are  not  as  interesting  reading  as  they 
might  be.  The  excellent  lady  records  her  adventures  in  such  a 
restrained  manner  that  she  carefully  omits  all  picturesque  detail  :  and, 
had  we  only  these  records  on  which  to  form  an  opinion,  we  might  be 
tempted  to  think  that  the  human  side  of  her  character  was  too  much 
subordinated  to  the  spiritual.  But  happily  we  have  also  some  of  the 
letters  written  to  her  husband  during  her  American  journeys,  and  it  is 
most  touching  to  compare  the  out-pourings  of  wifely  and  motherly  love 
and  yearning  (for  she  had  left  her  little  daughter  as  well  as  her  husband 
at  home)  with  the  matter  of  fact  Diaries  of  her  travels  and  ministrations. 
We  must  bear  this  in  mind  as  we  accompany  her  in  her  journeyings. 

It  will  be  strange  to  anyone  who  is  not  well  acquainted  with  the  views 
and  practice  of  the  Quakers  to  picture  a  delicately  nurtured  young 
woman  undertaking  long  journeys  on  horseback  to  the  remotest  parts 


86  ELIOT    PAPERS 

of  England,  and,  later  in  life,  when  a  wife  and  mother,  crossing  the  seas 
to  visit  almost  every  portion  of  the  scattered  Colonies  of  America,  for 
no  other  purpose  than  to  preach  and  to  build  up  the  Religious  Society 
to  which  she  belonged.  But  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  Society  of 
Friends  has,  from  its  first  beginning,  regarded  women  as  competent 
to  undertake  the  office  of  Christian  Ministry.  It  would  be  quite 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that,  because  the  Friends  permit  any  person 
who  feels  impelled  thereto  to  address  their  Meetings,  they  have  no 
regular  Ministry.  They  have  always  had  a  very  well  organised 
system  of  "  recognizing  "  as  ministers  those  who  have  proved  themselves 
specially  qualified.  In  every  Meeting  House  there  are  rows  of  raised 
seats  along  the  end  which  faces  the  congregation  ;  and  those  persons 
who  are  recognised  as  Ministers  have  the  right  to  sit  in  the  upper  row, 
the  men  on  one  side,  the  women  on  the  other.  Below  them  sit  another 
order  called  Elders,  men  and  women,  who  are  not  themselves  preachers, 
but  who  are  appointed  to  give  advice  to  young  preachers,  (and,  perhaps 
specially,  to  discourage  those  whose  exhortations  are  not  found 
acceptable.)  A  third  order  are  called  Overseers,  whose  duty  is  to  look 
after  the  Members  generally.  All  these  appointments  are  made  according 
to  duly  prescribed  form  by  their  "  Monthly  Meetings "  for  Church 
DiscipHne.* 

When  a  Minister — 'either  man  or  woman — "  feels  a  concern  " — or  in 
other  words  feels  compelled  by  a  conscientious  duty — to  undertake 
Mission  Journeys  to  other  Meetings,  the  matter  is  laid  before  the 
"  Monthly  Meeting  "  and  fully  considered.  Sometimes  these  proposals 
prove  sufficiently  embarrassing  to  the  other  Friends,  who  do  not 
consider  the  minister  in  question  fully  qualified  for  the  task,  and  no 
small  tact  is  called  out  in  gently  repressing  the  well-intended  oflFer.  But 
when  they  approve  of  the  proposed  Mission,  they  furnish  the  Minister 
with  letters  commendatory  known  as  "  certificates,"  so  that  the  Meetings 
visited  may  know  that  he  or  she  is  a  duly  authorised  and  approved 
Missioner. 

Moreover,  in  order  that  a  rich  Minister  may  have  no  preference  over 
a  poor  one  in  this  matter,  it  is,  I  beheve,  customary  in  all  cases  for  the 


*  The    "  Monthly    Meeting "    is   the    Unit  of   Church    Discipline.      These    are    grouped    into    "  Quarterly 
Meetings"  for  larger  areas,  which  report  to  the  "  Yearly  Meeting"  or  General  Assembly  for  the  whole  country. 


ELIOT   PAPERS  87 

Society  to  pay  the  needful  travelling  expenses,  while  lodging  is  generally 
(if  not  always)  provided  by  the  Friends  who  are  thus  visited.  By  this 
means  intercommunication  and  sympathy  are  kept  up  between  the 
various  scattered  assemblies  of  the  Body,  and  small  Meetings  where 
there  may  be  no  efficient  Ministers  are  refreshed  and  instructed.  Some- 
times these  Missions  appear  to  be  entirely  for  the  building  up  of  the 
existing  Members  of  the  Society,  but  often  they  include  public  preaching 
in  the  places  visited.  This  was  probably  far  more  generally  the  case 
formerly  than  it  is  now.  We  must  therefore  picture  Mary  Pace  (or 
Mary  Weston)  as  a  duly  recognised  and  appointed  Minister  of  her 
Religious  Society,  travelling  with  the  approval  and  sympathy  of  the 
Governing  Body  of  that  Society.  She  must  have  been  a  woman  of 
vigorous  mind  and  equally  vigorous  body,  to  undergo  the  hardships  to 
which  she  was  exposed.  Probably  many  of  her  descendants,  if  it  were 
possible  for  them  to  hear  her  preaching,  would  find  it  very  different 
from  anything  to  which  they  are  accustomed  in  the  present  day.  The 
difficulty  of  making  the  female  voice  heard  in  large  assembhes  led 
(probably  insensibly)  to  the  habit  of  speaking  in  a  highly  pitched  and 
unnatural  voice  approaching  to  a  chant — sometimes  musical  in  its 
cadence  and  sometimes  much  the  reverse.  Within  my  remembrance 
this  was  almost  universal  among  women  preachers,  and  very  general 
among  men,  who  had  not  the  same  excuse  for  the  peculiarity.  I  think 
that  there  grew  up  an  idea  that  it  was  not  quite  reverent  to  speak  of 
sacred  matters  in  the  ordinary  work-a-day  voice.  I  believe  that,  in  the 
present  day,  it  is  generally  recognised  among  the  Ministers  of  the  Society 
that  an  unaffected  voice  is  far  more  likely  to  reach  the  hearts  of  the 
hearers  than  a  tone  which  is  evidently  not  the  natural  one. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 
MARY   WESTON'S   JOURNALS,    1712  to  1757 


"I  was  born  in  the  year  1712,  second  mo.  nth  of  honest  Parents 
''  who  Hved  in  good  Reputation  among  their  Neighbours  and  were  much 
'  esteemed  by  those  they  dealt  with,  being  punctual  in  their  Payments 
'and   just  in  their    Dealings:    carrying   on    a   considerable  Branch  of 

■  Business  in  the  Linnen  Drapery  Way,  and  brought  up  their  six  children 

■  in  a  very  handsome  manner.  But  through  the  multiplicity  of  Business 
and  a  close  Confinement  to  the  Shop,  neglected  the  strict  Education  of 

'  us  in  various  Branches  of  that  Christian  Testimony  we  as  a  People  hold 
forth  to  the  World,  and  by  that  means  made  hard  Work  for  me  when 
it  pleased  the  God  of  Truth  graciously  to  visit  my  Soul  and  discover  the 
self-denying  Path  I  was  to  walk  in  if  I  would  obtain  Eternal  Life.  And 
that  was  the  Bent  and  Pursuit  of  my  Mind,  Night  and  Day — whatever 
I  went  through  in  this  Life,  that  I  might  but  enjoy  a  blessed 
Eternity — for  those  Words,  never  ending  Eternity,  were  of  inexpres- 
ible  Weight  to  me " 

1735  (she  being  then  23  years  old.) 

"  The  first  Journey  I  went  on  a  religious  Account  was  in  Company 
with  Elizabeth  Hutchinson  of  Cork  in  Ireland  and  A.  Bowles  of  Wood- 
house  in  the  same  Nation  :  which  Friends  came  over  to  England  on  a 
religious  Visit  and  travelled  through  most  Parts  thereof.  Who 
having  a  tender  Sympathy  with  me  in  my  infant  State  of  the  Ministrj^ 
considering  the  Difficulties  I  had  struggled  through  in  giving  up  to 
that  weighty  Work  being  poorly  in  Health,  proposed  my  going  with 
them  to  a  few  Meetings  in  Kent  and  Sussex  which,  on  duly  weighing, 
having  the  Approbation  of  Friends  therein,  I  found  Freedom  to  do." 


90  ELIOT   PAPERS  1735 

They  ride  to  Rochester,  28  miles,  dining  at  Dartford.  Thence  to 
Canterbury,  25  miles.  Then  to  Dover,  15  miles — where  they  lodge  at 
the  house  of  Luke  Howard.  He  was  a  well-known  Member  of  the 
Society,  and  there  is  httle  doubt  that  Luke  Howard  who  married 
Mariabella  Ehot  in  1796,  (see  Vol.  L  p.  109,  &c.)  was  named  after  him 
but  there  is  no  proof  that  he  was  actually  a  relation.  Thence  to 
Folkstone,  where  "a  drowsy  spirit  mightily  prevailed  to  the  great 
"  affliction  of  our  Souls.  We  were  concerned  to  speak  closely  to  them 
"  on  that  Subject,  as  we  found  great  deficiency  in  their  Discipline." 
Then  to  Ashford  and  Cranbrook,  where  they  found  "a  drowsy  company 
"  of  professors  who  seemed  to  sit  at  ease  without  possessing  the  Life 
"  of  Truth." 

And  so  on  through  Sussex  to  Brighthelmstone,  where  they  "  had  also 
"a  word  of  reproof  to  give  to  the  lukewarm  &  indolent  ones,  who 
"  brought  a  sensible  pain  over  our  minds,  yet  the  Meeting  ended  well." 
After  visiting  some  other  places  they  attend  a  "  Quarterly  Meeting  "  at 
Ifield,  where  they  appear  to  have  had  more  satisfactory  Meetings.  Every 
town  or  village  throughout  Sussex  and  part  of  Surrey  is  evidently 
visited  in  turn,  and  at  length  they  reach  London  again  on  nth  of  5th 
month,  having  been  travelling  for  about  5  weeks. 

We  find  notices  of  two  or  three  short  visitations,  and  then  in  1737 
on  the  "7th  day  of  the  4th  month"  she  sets  out  for  a  journey  which  was 
not  completed  till  "  the  3rd  of  the  loth  month,"  having  been  absent  from 
home  "  six  months  all  but  3  days." 

She  rides  backwards  and  forwards  to  meetings  in  Hertfordshire  and 
Bedfordshire,  and  thence  through  Northamptonshire,  Warwickshire, 
Staffordshire,  and  Cheshire  to  Lancashire  and  Westmoreland,  where  she 
spends  much  time  around  Kendal.  Thence  through  Cumberland  to  the 
Border,  where  for  once  she  gives  up  one  day  to  satisfy  her  curiosity. 
"  We  had  a  desire  to  see  some  part  of  Scotland  &  went  over  the  River 
"  to  Grattney  Green  (!)  where  we  dined  &  spent  some  time,  then  returned 
"  to  our  old  lodgings  where  we  were  met  by  our  dear  Friend  R.  Wilson." 
We  may  smile  at  her  choosing  this  classic  spot  as  the  one  place  in 
Scotland  which  she  visited,  but  the  reason  which  led  her  to  select 
Gretna  Green  for  a  visit  was  precisely  the  same  that  led  so  many  others 
thither,  though  with  a  much  more  practical  object  than  the  satisfaction 
of  an  innocent  curiosity  to  "  see  some  part  of  Scotland."     That  which 


1737  ELIOT   PAPERS  9I 

has  rendered  Gretna  Green  so  celebrated  was  the  simple  fact  that  it  was 
the  first  village  over  the  border  on  one  of  the  main  North  roads,  and, 
being  over  the  border,  the  Scottish  laws  of  marriage  were  in  force 
there — which  laws  being  remarkably  primitive  in  their  simplicity  enabled 
the  runaway  couples  to  become  legally  united  by  the  simple  acknowledg- 
ment of  each  other  before  witnesses.  The  celebrated  "  blacksmith," 
John  Paisley,  was  not  on  the  scene  till  1760,  and  perhaps  in  1737 
Gretna  Green  had  not  yet  gained  its  peculiar  celebrity.  The  Scottish 
General  Assembly  tried  in  vain,  in  1826,  to  put  an  end  to  the  extraor- 
dinary system,  but  it  required  an  Act  of  ParHament  in  1856  to  make 
the  Gretna  Green  marriages  illegal  unless  one  of  the  parties  had  lived 
in  Scotland  for  21  days.  But  I  do  not  think  that  the  blacksmith's 
successor  —  one  Elliott  —  did  much  business  after  the  advent  of 
Railways. 

To  return  to  the  more  serious  subject  of  Mary  Pace  and  her 
journeyings.  It  is  extremely  interesting  to  note  how  very  many  names 
which  she  mentions  as  those  of  "  Friends "  who  assisted  her  in  her 
mission,  still  hold  an  honourable  place  in  the  same  localities.  Thus  at 
Luton  "  We  had  a  Meeting  this  evening  ab'  6th  Hour  at  David  Brown's 
"  in  his  Malthouse  to  which  many  of  the  Neighbours  came  and  behaved 
"  very  soberly:  it  was  a  sohd,  good  Meeting  and  a  seasonable  Opportunity 
"  to  declare  the  Doctrine  of  Truth.     ..." 

In  and  around  Kendal  we  meet  with  many  well-known  and  honoured 
names — Braithwaitcs,  Birkbecks,  Wilsons,  Crewdsons,  Dillworths,  Bells, 
Harrises,  and  the  like.  Doubtless  a  reader  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  names  of  existing  Quaker  families  throughout  the  country 
would  meet  with  famihar  names  in  most  of  the  places  visited. 

The  journey  being  so  extended,  the  companion  with  whom  she  began 
her  Mission,  Mary  Roake,  was  unable  to  go  further  North  than  Kendal, 
and  after  that  Mary  Pace  seems  to  have  been  accompanied  by  various 
ministering  women  from  place  to  place.  It  is  beautiful  to  see  the  love 
that  reigned  between  all  these  fellow-workers.  On  parting  from  one  of 
her  companions  she  writes  :  "  We  parted  in  great  nearness  of  spirit 
"  desiring  we  may  be  preserved  where  the  Remembrance  of  one  another 
"  may  be  sweet  when  far  separated,  as  the  enjoyment  of  each  other's 
"  company  has  been  more  so  while  together  than  (I)  can  express  " — to 
which  her  companion  appears  to  add  the  note  "  Amen.     E.W." 


92  ELIOT    PAPERS  1737 

Their  experiences  naturally  varied  at  different  Meetings,  thus  at  one 
place  she  notes  that  it  was  "  a  heavy  dull  meeting  "  and  a  day  or  so  later 
"  a  comfortable  good  meeting."  Some  characteristic  descriptions  are  as 
follows  :  "  It  seemed  a  time  of  drought  spiritually, — the  spring  was  low, 
"  the  water  of  hfe  hard  to  come  at,  yet  through  a  diligent  labour  some 
"  thirsty  souls  were  at  length  favoured  with  a  taste  thereof."  "  In  the 
"  morning  a  low  suffering  time.  We  parted  much  loaded,  but  in  the 
"  afternoon  were  favoured  with  a  little  more  strength  &  hberty  to  clear 
"  ourselves  in  calling  the  rebellious  &:  careless  lukewarm  professors  to 
"  diligence."  "  We  had  close  work  but  in  the  main  to  the  satisfaction  of 
"  the  general."  "  A  good  solid  refreshing  season."  "  A  great  reach 
"  seemed  to  be  over  the  people's  minds." 

Sometimes  she  was  evidently  greatly  refreshed,  and  records  her 
praises  to  Her  Heavenly  Master  for  His  great  goodness  to  her. 

She  appears  to  have  performed  this  long  journey  without  any  accident. 
I  think  that  in  another  of  her  journeys  she  had  a  narrow  escape  of 
serious  injury  from  her  horse  falling. 

In  reading  over  these  peaceful  records,  it  is  strange  to  think  how 
much  of  the  country  through  which  she  travelled  on  her  errand  of 
mercy  was  convulsed  just  eight  years  later  by  the  last  civil  war  which 
England  has  witnessed — the  march  of  the  young  Pretender  to  Derby  in 
1745.  We  need  hardly  say  that  the  Quakers  took  no  part  in  this 
rising.  They  have  always,  even  when  persecuted,  been  the  most  loyal 
of  subjects. 

We  may  pass  over  the  brief  notes  made  of  some  later  journeys,  until 
in  1747  we  find  her,  as  Mary  Weston,  setting  forward  from  London, 
"accompanied  by  my  dear  husband,"  various  other  friends,  "and  my 
"  dear  child  Mary."  After  a  few  days  "  I  parted  with  my  dear  Husband, 
"  Child  &  London  Friends  "  and  went  on  to  various  other  Meetings — 
this  journey  not  being  a  very  long  one. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

MARY   WESTON'S    AMERICAN   JOURNALS,    1750 

NEW   ENGLAND 


We  now  come  to  Mary  Weston's  more  serious  undertaking — a 
lengthy  visit  to  the  American  Colonies,  extending  from  the  autumn  of 
1750  to  the  spring  of  1752.  We  find  records  of  three  or  four  separate 
journeys  from  Philadelphia,  in  one  of  which  she  travelled  1,600  miles, 
in  another  more  than  2,000,  in  a  third  528  miles — sometimes  on  horse- 
back, sometimes  in  open  boats,  sometimes  for  short  distances  in  a 
friend's  "  chair,"  by  which  I  understand  a  "  chaise  "  or,  as  it  would  now 
be  called  in  those  parts,  a  "  shay."  She  was  sometimes  in  peril  from 
drowning,  sometimes  from  hostile  Indians,  sometimes  from  wild  beasts. 
We  may  really  take  much  of  what  St.  Paul  says  of  his  own  experiences, 
word  for  word,  and  apply  it  to  her.  "  In  journeyings  often,  in  perils  of 
"  waters,  in  perils  of  robbers  .  .  in  perils  by  the  heathen,  in  perils 
"  in  the  wilderness,  in  perils  by  the  sea  .  .  In  weariness  and  painful- 
"  ness,  in  watchings  often,  in  hunger  and  thirst,  in  fastings  often,  in 
"  cold — " 

The  account  of  this  missionary  tour  occupies  94  closely  written  large 
folio  pages,  and  therefore  we  must  be  content  with  very  brief  and  in- 
complete extracts.  x\nd  here  let  me  say,  once  for  all,  that  I  am  con- 
scious that  in  selecting  passages  for  quotation  I  may  be  attracted  by 
those  that  are  characteristic  and  quaint  and  so  do  unconscious  injustice 
to  the  writer's  character  as  a  whole,  by  failing  to  give  equal  prominence 
to  the  many  simple  and  (if  I  may  so  say)  catholic  outpourings  of  a  most 


94  ELIOT    PAPERS  I75O 

pious  and  earnest  soul.  I  wish  I  could  convey  to  the  reader  the  deep 
reverence  with  which  I  close  the  great  folio  volume  after  every  occasion 
of  studying  it.  Whatever  we  may  think  of  female  Ministry  as  a  general 
question  of  Church  discipline,  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  un- 
limited Grace  of  God  has  been  extended  richly  to  the  labours  of  such 
single-hearted  women  as  Mary  Weston,  even  when  engaged  in  work 
which  the  greater  portion  of  the  Church  in  all  ages  has  held  to  be  un- 
suited  to  her  sex. 

Unfortunately  we  have  no  record  whatever  of  the  voyage,  and  must 
therefore  conclude  that  it  was  marked  by  no  such  striking  incidents  as 
attended  that  of  Mary  Pryor,  another  female  Minister  on  a  similar 
errand  some  years  later.  From  a  small  pocket  Almanac  for  the  year 
1750  I  find  that  she  sailed  on  the  8th  of  the  3rd  month  (May).  The 
Journal  begins  "  The  seventh  Day  of  the  Fifth  Month  (July)  1750.  I 
"  landed  at  Chester."  She  was  thus  just  two  months  in  accomplishing 
the  voyage  which  is  now  got  over  in  about  seven  days.  On  the  9th  she 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  where  friends  of  the  City  came  to  vv-elcome  her. 
She  attended  various  Meetings  which  were  "  large  &  solid."  On  the 
l6th  of  the  month  "was  at  the  morning  Meeting  of  Ministers  and 
"  Elders  where  my  Certificate*  was  read  to  the  satisfaction  of  Friends 
"  present." 

As  she  proceeded  on  her  journey,  the  Meetings  of  the  Friends  seem 
to  have  been  very  numerous  and  close  together,  as  we  should  expect  to 
be  the  case  in  the  Quaker  Colony  of  Pennsylvania.  At  last  on  the  2nd 
of  6th  month  (August)  she  "  went  to  Elizabeth  Town  Point  and  crossed 
"  that  Ferry  to  Stratten  Island  (Staten  Island),  &  from  thence  7  miles 
"  to  Coomb's  Ferry  &  sailed  9  miles  across  the  Bay  to  New  York  in  45 
"  minutes,  which  was  accounted  a  good  passage."  On  the  3rd  she 
wrote  to  her  husband,  a  letter  full  of  tender  love.  It  ends  "  shall  con- 
"  elude  with  a  heart  full  of  y'=  sincerest  and  best  of  love  I  am  capable  of 
"  expressing  to  thy  dear  self  &  our  well-beloved  daughter  who  with 
"  (.''  thee  are)  as  dearer  to  me  than  life  itself  and  hope  will  be  while 
"  I  remain 

"  Thy  faithfull  &  loving  wife  M.  Weston." 

"  P.S.  ...  My  dearest,  write  me  long  letters  &  I  now  bid  thee 
"  dearly  farewell." 

*   See  page  86. 


1750  ELIOT    PAPERS  95 

At  New  York  on  the  6th  "  I  parted  with  my  endeared  friends  M. 
"  Pemberton  &  S.  Brown  who  accompanied  me  from  Philadelphia,  which 
"  was  a  close  pinch  to  them  as  well  as  to  me,  having  had  a  great  deal  of 
"  pleasure  in  each  other's  company  when  together."  Thence  she  went 
to  Long  Island,  where  she  seems  to  have  visited  "  Friends  "  at  very  short 
intervals  as  she  journeyed  on.  On  the  nth  she  rode  from  Jericho  to 
Bethpage  "  &  had  a  Meeting  there  which  was  very  large  and  well  but 
"  the  extreme  heat  of  the  season  overcame  many.  I  could  scarce  keep 
"  from  fainting  divers  times  in  the  Meeting,  yet  it  was  my  lot  to  stand 
"  near  an  hour,  being  supported  far  beyond  my  expectation  with  Divine 
"  strength.  To  the  great  Lord  be  the  praise  who,  we  may  say,  is  not  a 
"hard  Master,  but  gives  strength  suitable  to  every  day's  service." 
Thence  to  Jerusalem  and  next  to  Westbury  where  there  was  a  very 
large  Meeting  of  Friends  and  "  Many  of  other  Professions"  "and  the 
"  weather  continued  so  hot  that  abundance  stript  to  their  shirts  therein 
"  both  Friends  &  others,  and  divers  of  the  women  near  fainting.  I  sat 
"  this  Meeting  mostly  in  silence."  The  next  day  they  rode  in  all  43 
miles  and  lodged  at  Brewsters  Tavern,  where  five  of  their  number  had 
to  sleep  on  straw  in  the  barn.  They  reached  the  East  End  of  Long 
Island  and  lodged  "  at  one  Booth's  (a  Tavern)  who  was  very  kind  and 
"  obliging  with  what  he  had." 

On  that  day  she  had  "  Parted  with  our  dear  friend  Margaret  Bowne 
"who  had  been  with  us  near  two  weeks  and  was  exceeding  loving  & 
"  tender  of  me  and  is  like  a  Mother,  her  company  both  pleasant  & 
"  profitable." 

While  waiting  for  the  sailing  of  a  sloop  to  take  them  to  Rhode  Island 
a  "  First  day  "  intervened  "  In  which  time  I  told  our  Landlord  that  if  the 
"  neighbours  who  were  generally  Presbyterians,  inchned  to  come  to  our 
"  Meetings  I  should  be  glad  of  their  company.  He  told  me  they  would 
"  be  willing  to  come  about  Sun-set  when  their  sabbath  was  over  :  which 
"  proved  a  strait  on  my  Mind  and  I  had  not  freedom  to  indulge  their 
"  superstitious  observance  of  that  Day  in  such  a  particular  manner,  but 
"  gave  him  to  understand  we  should  have  a  Meeting  to  begin  about  1 1 
"  o'clock  and  desired  him  to  let  the  neighbours  know,  which  he  did,  but 
"  none  of  them  came." 

"After  Meeting  the  wind  came  about  to  S.S.W.  and  we  pressed  the 
"  Capt.  to  set  sail,  till  he  informed  us  he  durst  not  go  oflF  on  the  Sabbath 


96  ELIOT   PAPERS  I75O 

"  nor  could  anyone  else,  without  paying  a  fine ;  upon  which  we  were 
"  obliged  to  stay.  In  the  evening  many  people  came  to  our  Quarters 
"  wanting  they  said  to  hear  me  preach :  our  Landlord  having  given  them 
"  a  good  account  of  the  morning  Meeting :  but  I  had  not  freedom  to 
"have  a  Meeting  there,  my  mind  being  very  much  shut  towards  it, 
"  seeing  they  had  the  offer  of  one  in  the  day  time,  tho'  they  generally 
"  pressed  me  to  preach,  saying  they  had  never  heard  a  woman  &c.  The 
"  man  of  the  house  also  addressed  himself  to  me  thus.  Madam  what  if 
"  you  were  to  exhort  the  people  now  seeing  they  are  come,  tho'  you  did 
"  not  think  to  have  a  Meeting :  To  which  I  answered  him  I  could  not 
"  preach  in  my  own  Will  &  Time  and  had  no  particular  concern  on  me 
"  then  so  to  do,  therefore  dared  not  give  way  to  it.  Upon  which  several 
"  of  them  were  for  disputing  on  several  points  of  doctrine  as  the  Im- 
"  possibility  of  falling  from  Grace;  the  Nature  &  certainty  of  Election 
"  &  Redemption ;  Justification  preceding  Sanctification,  with  the  Impos- 
"  sibility  of  attaining  perfection  on  this  side  the  grave  :  Original  Sin,  &c. 
"which  I  was  not  forward  to  engage  in,  finding  some  of  them  that 
"attacked  me  were  Deacons  of  their  Church  &  others  very  leading 
"  members  &  crafty  Talkers  of  Religion  according  to  the  sense  they  had 
"of  it.  Yet  unM'illing  to  play  the  Coward  in  my  Master's  cause  I 
"  defended  the  same  in  the  ability  given,  whereupon  they  got  into  such 
"confusion  in  their  Arguments,  advancing  such  Inconsistencies  with 
"  their  own  Tenets  that,  running  from  one  subject  to  another,  at  last 
"  they  gave  out  and  took  their  leave  in  a  friendly  sort  of  manner  though 
"  I  believe  there  was  an  envious  spirit  at  Bottom,  which  I  felt  the  Weight 
"  of  almost  from  my  first  coming  into  that  neighbourhood  and  continued 
"  while  we  stayed  in  the  East  End  of  the  Island  which  was  till  3rd  day 
"  (Tuesday). 

"For  in  the  night  of  the  19th  instant  a  violent  storm  arose  of  Wind 
"  &  rain  such  as  I  had  hardly  ever  seen,  that  continued  all  day  on  Second 
"  Day  and  the  night  following ;  and  indeed  thought  it  a  most  remarkable 
"  providence  we  were  detained  on  First  Day  though  the  occasion  not 
"  reconcileable  with  our  Judgments*  but  were  truly  thankful  we  were 
"  safe  on  shore  at  a  time  when  many  poor  creatures  were  in  the  utmost 

*  It  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  her  to  relent  in  her  hard  judgment  of  the  Presbyterians'  "  super- 
"  stitious  observance  "  of  the  Lord's  Day  even  when  her  life  was  probably  saved  thereby. 


1750  "       ELIOT   PAPERS  97 

"  distress  &  drove  on  the  Sands  &c.  some  losing  their  ships,  others 
"their  hves.  I  think  I  heard  of  15  vessels  being  in  great  danger  & 
"  most  of  them  drove  on  shore  that  night.  We  w^ere  told  there  had  not 
"  been  such  dreadful  accounts  of  any  storm  in  these  parts  for  many 
"  years." 

On  the  Tuesday  they  started  and  after  a  rough  voyage  of  27  hours 
they  at  last  reached  Newport  (100  miles)  and  "through  the  gracious 
"  protection  of  our  great  Pilot  we  landed  safe."  The  next  day  they  had 
a  Meeting  "  which  was  large  &  more  so  on  account  of  the  Assembly 
"  sitting  at  that  time,  who  on  hearing  of  an  English  friend  come  to  visit 
"  that  Island,  adjourned  the  House  &  came  in  a  body  to  Meeting  headed 
"  by  the  Governor,  but  it  proved  my  lot  to  sit  in  silence." 

Thence  they  went  to  Cushanet  Harbour  and  sailed  by  the  sloop 
"  Trial "  for  Nantucket*  where  they  had  a  Meeting  which  was  a  happy 
one  for  "  I  think  I  never  felt  more  of  the  overflowing  Love  of  my 
"  Heavenly  Father  in  the  exercise  of  the  Ministry." 

On  their  voyage  back  their  vessel  struck  on  the  Bar  "  but  through 
"  mercy  was  soon  got  off." 

They  reached  Boston  and  she  attended  the  "  Yearly  Meeting  "  and  "  a 
"  great  number  of  Presbyterians  of  the  highest  rank  in  the  City  as  well 
"  as  many  Friends  were  at  it,  expecting  some  great  things  from  a 
"  Londoner,  but  my  mind  was  much  shut  up  amongst  them." 

There  was  a  succession  of  Meetings — at  one  of  which,  the  Meeting 
of  Ministers  "  I  had  to  drop  a  few  words  of  advice  to  some  respecting 
"  their  doctrine,  as  well  as  their  manner  &  method  of  delivering  it." 

"  In  the  afternoon  there  was  a  mighty  company  of  people  not  of  our 
"  Profession  gathered  before  the  Meeting  doors  were  open,  more  than 
"  would  fill  the  house.  The  throng  was  so  great  they  were  long  in 
"  settling  and  not  so  solid  as  could  be  wished,  but  a  Peace  Officer  came 
"  and  quieted  them.  The  Service  of  the  Meeting  fell  on  I.  Carpenter 
"  and  I  thought  he  had  a  good  time  but  there  was  much  grumbhng 
"  afterwards  amongst  all  sorts  of  people  at  their  great  Disappointment " 
(that  M.W.  herself  had  not  preached)  "  and  I  was  told  every  person  of 
"  Note  in  and  about  the  Town  which  was  very  considerable  was  present 

*  In  M.W.'s  pocket  almanac  for  1750  I  find  the  note  "  Y^  Island  of  Nantucket  been  inhabited  about  90 
"  years  John  Coleman  y^  2nd  man  child  born  in  it. 

P 


>8  ELIOT    PAPERS  175O 

'  — it  was  judged  about  Two  Thousand  in  number.  A  part  of  the 
'  Meeting  house  broke  down  with  the  throng.  Many  came  in  the  even- 
'  ing  to  visit  me,  of  what  they  call  the  top  sort,  and  showed  me  abund- 
'ance  of  respect,  hoping  I  would  have  another  Meeting  with  them, 
'  which  I  was  not  free  to  do." 

She  seems  to  have  been  in  rather  a  depressed  state,  for  she  notes,  a 
day  or  two  later,  that  her  "  poor  soul  had  waded  very  low,  mostly,  in 
"  these  parts." 

They  thence  travelled  Northwards  through  Salem  to  Berwick,  where 
some  Friends  met  them  "  to  conduct  us  through  the  woods  to  Biddeford, 
"  it  being  a  very  hazardous  journey  and  a  difficult  time,  for  the  Canada' 
"  Indians  were  very  busy  in  these  Eastern  parts,  wounding  &  taking 
"  captive  all  they  could  lay  their  Hands  on,  so  that  most  people  were 
"  gone  into  Garrison  that  lived  in  these  woods  and  none  dared  to  walk 
"  or  ride  without  Arms,  concluding  we  were  very  bold  to  go  through 
"  the  Woods  at  that  time  but  should  every  soul  of  us  be  cut  off.  How- 
"  ever  with  a  steady  trust  in  the  Lord  who,  I  well  knew,  was  able  to 
"  preserve  thro'  the  greatest  dangers,  we  13  rode  through  the  Wilder- 
"  ness  wherein  was  plenty  of  wolves  &  bears  which  made  a  hideous 
"  noise  and  disturbed  me  much  therewith  the  night  before,  yet  we 
"  got  by  the  kindness  of  Providence  30  miles  and  crossed  a  Ferry  to 
"  Batchelor  Hussey's  where  we  lodged.  Next  day,  leaving  4  of  the 
"  Friends,  we  set  forward  for  Old  Casco  Bay  30  miles,  crossing  a  Ferry. 
"  We  put  up  at  a  Tavern  intending  to  lodge  there,  but  were  told  the 
"  beds  were  all  taken  up  and  the  people  seemed  very  shy  of  us.  But 
"  we  soon  discovered  the  cause,  there  being  a  Presbyterian  Priest  in  the 
"  house.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone  out  of  the  house  the  Landlady  came 
"&  informed  us  she  could  make  two  beds  &  would  do  her  best  to 
"  accommodate  us,  but  we  went  to  another  house  where  a  Widow 
"  Woman  received  us  gladly." 

Two  days  later  they  embarked  for  Marriconeck  in  a  small  fishing  boat 
for  a  20  mile  voyage  over  the  Bay,  and  had  a  perilous  passage,  barely 
escaping  a  violent  storm  that  broke  half  a  minute  after  they  had  landed. 
They  landed  cold  and  hungry,  and  after  securing  some  refreshment  "  we 
"  got  the  few  Friends  together  &  were  favoured  with  a  precious  Meeting 

*    Canada  was  at  that  time  (and  for  nearly  lo  years  later)  French. 


1750  ELIOT    PAPERS  •  99 

"  among  these  tender-spirited  Friends  who  live  in  a  remote  corner,  much 
"exposed  to  their  enemies  the  Indians,  who  had  taken  13  prisoners  a 
"  few  days  before,  in  the  distance  of  about  10  miles  from  them,  which 
"  put  the  poor  Children  there  away  in  Fear,  there  being  nine  of  them 
"  in  that  Family,  but  Poor  Things  they  appeared  mightily  encouraged  & 
"  strengthened  by  our  visit.  We  lodged  with  these  Friends  one  night 
"  and  I  think  I  never  enjoyed  more  peace  of  mind  for  the  time  than  in 
"  that  little  Log  House  resting  well  tho'  a  stormy  night  &  the  rain 
"  coming  in  upon  our  Beds."  Hence  they  had  "  a  good  passage  save  a 
"  little  rough  just  before  we  landed  at  New  Casco."  They  lodged  at  a 
Tavern,  "but  notwithstanding  it  was  a  garrison  and  a  watch  kept  yet  I 
"  confess  I  was  not  so  divested  of  fear  as  the  night  before." 

They  held  a  Meeting  "  in  an  empty  house  that  the  people  were  fled 
"  from  on  account  of  the  Indians  so  most  of  the  men  brought  their 
"  Guns  with  them  and  for  the  greater  safeguard  ordered  a  party  of 
"  soldiers  to  surround  the  house,  which  brought  a  burden  on  my  mind 
"  so  that  I  had  Httle  satisfaction  in  the  Meeting."* 

They  arrived  safely  at  Dover,  where  their  appearance  gave  great 
pleasure  as  a  report  had  been  "  raised  &  spread  by  many "  that  they 
were  all  taken  by  the  Indians. 

As  my  readers  will  be  mostly,  if  not  all,  in  the  Old  Country,  it  may 
be  worth  noting  that  all  this  took  place  close  to  the  capital  of  the  pros- 
perous State  of  Maine,  where  we  should,  in  the  present  day,  be  about 
as  Hkely  to  meet  with  wild  beasts  and  raiding  Indians  as  in  Fleet  Street ! 

We  must  pass  rapidly  over  the  remainder  of  this  journey,  noting  by 
the  way,  that  Methodists  seem  to  have  shared  her  displeasure  with  the 
Presbyterians,  for  she  remarks  at  one  place  "  There  was  many  people, 
"  but  few  Friends,  being  in  my  judgment  tinctured  with  Methodism.  It 
"  was  my  lot  to  preach  silence  to  them  by  example." 

There  are  several  recurrences  of  the  disappointment  experienced 
when  she  failed  to  preach  when  expected  to  do  so.  It  must  have  sorely 
puzzled  those  who  did  not  understand  the  leading  principle  in  "  Friends'  " 

*  In  the  pocket  almanac  already  quoted,  I  find  the  following  note  "  At  Thos.  Hansen's — was  in  com- 
"  pany  with  Elizabeth  Hansen  who  was  carried  into  captivity  by  y"  Indians  at  14  years  of  age,  being  about 
"  28  years  agoc.  Slie  h.ad  two  brothers  killed  at  same  time — her  Mother  also  taken  and  4  more  of  the 
"  family,  one  a  child  2  weeks  old  which  her  mother  h.id  at  her  breast — was  all,  save  one,  redeemed  in  about 


100  ELIOT   PAPERS  I750 

Ministry — that  the  impulse  to  speak  must  come  from  Above  and  that 
Silence  may  be  as  true  a  form  of  service  as  Words.  At  one  place  the 
neighbours  sent  anxiously  to  enquire  whether  she  was  ill,  thinking  that 
this  must  have  been  the  reason  why  she  sat  silent. 

Not  only  the  outsiders,  however,  seem  to  have  experienced  disappoint- 
ment, for  at  the  "  Monthly  Meeting  "  at  Portsmouth,  where  many  Friends 
were  gathered  together,  she  thus  relates  her  experiences :  "  Their  ex- 
"  pectations  being  too  much  outward  or  for  some  other  reason  best 
"  known  to  the  Almighty,  it  was  my  lot  to  sit  in  silence  until  the 
"  Women  separated  from  the  Men.  Among  them  I  was  closely  engaged 
"  (in  preaching)  for  a  considerable  time,  to  the  no  small  mortification  of 
"  the  Men  Friends :  many  of  whom  left  their  own  Meeting  and  hovered 
"  about  the  door  &  windows  very  thick."  From  which  we  may  conclude 
that  it  was  not  mere  curiosity  to  hear  a  woman  preach  which  led  a 
State  Assembly  to  adjourn  and  attend  her  Meeting  headed  by  the 
Governor,  but  that  her  preaching  was  really  very  powerful  and  un- 
common. 

At  James  Town  her  ministrations  seem  to  have  had  a  very  practical 
effect  "  upon  some  of  the  Youth,  who,  from  what  was  dropt,  stripped 
"  off  some  of  their  finery  to  the  great  joy  of  their  parents  &  other 
"  friends." 

We  may  suppose  that  Presbyterianism  was  strong  in  Connecticut,  for 
she  mentions  it,  in  passing,  as  "  that  dark  country  of  Connecticut," 
which  would,  I  fear,  have  given  some  offence  to  the  good  Puritans  if 
they  could  have  seen  her  journal. 

On  reaching  New  York  she  wrote  a  long  and  touching  letter  to  her 
"  dear  &  wellbeloved  Husband  "  full  of  tender  love  to  him  and  her  little 
daughter  and  begging  him  to  write  "  by  all  vessels  y'  comes  to  New 
"  York,  Boston,  Rhode  Island,  Philadelphia,  Virginia,  Maryland,  &c." 
"  and  so  shall  bid  thee  Adieu,  Adieu,  remaining  thy  constant,  affectionate 
&  obedient  wife  till  Death." 

At  last,  after  a  journey  of  1,600  miles  she  again  reached  Philadelphia 
some  time  in  October,  1750. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

MARY   WESTON'S   AMERICAN   JOURNAL,    1750-51 

SOUTHERN    STATES 


But  she  allowed  her  wearied  body  little  rest,  for  on  the  31st  of  the 
same  month  she  again  set  out  in  company  with  Esther  White  and 
attended  for  some  distance  by  "  Israel  &  James  Pemberton  &  many 
"  others,"  for  a  long  journey  to  the  South,  which  extended  as  far  as 
Charleston  in  South  Carolina. 

Having  devoted  so  much  space  to  the  former  journey  I  must  try  to 
condense  the  account  of  the  later  ones  as  much  as  possible.  But  it  is 
worthy  of  remark  that  Mary  Weston  seems  to  have  been  much  happier 
among  the  Cavalier  population  of  the  South  than  among  the  Puritans 
of  New  England.  These  rather  worldly  and  thoughtless  folk  were  by 
no  means  disposed  to  discuss  hard  points  of  theology  with  her,  but 
simply  saw  in  her  a  brave  and  pious  woman  who  made  light  of  perils  and 
fatigue  if  she  could  do  them  any  good — and  were  fully  conscious  that 
they  much  needed  all  the  good  that  might  be  brought  to  them  even  by 
a  woman  and  a  Quakeress.  May  we  not  see  in  this  that  she  really  went 
in  the  spirit  of  her  Divine  Master  who  came  not  to  the  whole  but  to  the 
sick,  and  found  the  readiest  welcome  among  the  publicans  and  the 
sinners  ?  It  is  also  a  curious  fact,  which  comes  under  our  constant 
observation,  that,  whenever  the  Churchman  and  the  Quaker  could  get 
free  from  their  quarrels  over  Church  rates  and  Tithes,  they  have  not 
failed  to  develope  much  mutual  respect  and  appreciation — to  a  far 
greater  extent  than  has  existed  between  the  Quakers  and  other  Noncon- 
forming bodies.     To  discuss  the  reason  of  this  state  of  things  would  be 


I02  ELIOT   PAPERS  175O 

quite  outside  the  scope  of  these  brief  pages,  but  I  believe  they  He  very- 
deep  in  the  constitution  of  the  Quaker  character.  In  the  present  day 
there  is  no  quarter  where  the  true  spirit  of  Quakerism  is  more  frankly 
appreciated  than  among  the  more  thoughtful  of  the  Bishops  and  Clergy 
of  the  Anglican  Church. 

Soon  after  starting,  within  two  days  journey  of  Philadelphia,  their 
adventures  began,  for  on  reaching  Susquehannah  they  found  the  river 
"  froze  up  "  and  "  it  was  thought  not  safe  to  go  over ; "  so  they  lodged 
there  "  and  in  the  morning  were  conveyed  over  the  River  on  a  Ladder 
"  drawn  by  two  men,  being  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  going  that  mile 
"  and  a  half  on  the  ice."  Thence  they  passed  South  Westward  till  they 
reached  the  Potomac  (spelt  phonetically  "  Potowmack  ")  hurrying  their 
journey  lest  the  thaw  coming  on  should  stop  them  in  crossing.  "  We 
"  had  considerable  interruption  in  going  over.  My  companion's  horse 
"  narrowly  escaped  being  lost  by  making  a  Blunder  at  first  getting  on 
"  the  ice  which  broke  in  with  her  in  very  deep  water  so  that  at  one  time 
"  we  almost  despaired  of  saving  her ;  yet  at  length  she  was  haled  up,  and 
"  through  mercy  we  got  safe  along,  walking  about  i  mile  on  the  ice." 
They  were  hospitably  entertained  that  evening,  and  on  leaving,  Mary 
Weston  "  found  freedom  to  tell  her  hostess  that  her  love  in  Christ 
"  flowed  freely  to  her,"  and  she  heartily  wished  the  blessing  of  God 
might  rest  on  her  and  her  family — which  drew  tears  from  her  eyes. 
Then  riding  on  15  miles  they  got  "a  kind  of  a  dinner  at  a  dirty  nasty 
"  house  called  a  Tavern  "  but  got  little  to  eat  for  themselves  or  their 
horses.  After  losing  their  way  they  at  last  reached  the  Rapahannock, 
but  were  told  it  was  not  safe  to  go  on  the  ice,  so  they  had  to  put  up  at 
a  "  poor  Tavern  "  where  were  about  twelve  "  Scotch  Merchants,  young 
"  men  that  behaved  with  great  civility  "  and  expressed  a  wish  to  have  a 
Meeting,  about  which  our  good  lady  happily  felt  no  difficulty,  and  the 
neighbours  were  called  in  and  she  and  her  companion  both  preached. 
"  The  Meeting  ended  satisfactorily,  they  expressing  thankful  Acknow- 
"  ledgments  for  the  same,  but  one  of  the  young  man  being  free  with 
"  caUing  on  the  sacred  Name  irreverently,  I  was  made  to  rebuke  him 
"  publickly,  when  he  allowed  it  to  be  a  fault  &  seemed  to  take  it  well." 
The  Scotch  Merchants  invited  her  to  breakfast  with  them  next  morning 
and  were  "  very  kind  and  loving "  and  assisted  her  and  her  friends  to 
get  their  horses  on  the  ice,  which  with  difficulty  was  done  for  one  of 


1750  ELIOT    PAPERS  IO3 

them,  the  other  broke  in,  and  at  length  got  to  shore  again.  So  "  after 
much  toil  to  little  purpose  "  they  decided  to  try  the  other  ferry,  and  at 
last  safely  passed  the  Rapahannock  and  proceeded  into  Carolina. 

A  few  days  later  they  were  glad  to  avail  themselves  of  a  kind  friend's 
chaise  "  both  our  horses  failing,  my  companion's  mare  had  her  jaw-bone 
"cracked  by  an  accident  and  my  horse  foundered,  but  with  a  few  days 
"  rest  came  to  again." 

Then  on  through  Virginia  "  thro'  considerable  difficulties  on  account 
"  of  divers  bridges  being  washed  away  by  the  floods  in  those  parts  that 
"  had  been  very  high."  One  evening  after  dark  they  came  to  a  long 
bridge,  which  proving  safe  they  went  over,  though  they  could  not  see 
whether  it  was  so  or  not  till  they  tried  it. 

Thence  from  place  to  place  through  North  Carolina.  At  "  Zachary 
"  Nixon's  "  Mary  Weston  met  with  Elizabeth  Nixon  "  a  good  friend  and 
"" pretty  Minister"  who  offered  to  accompany  her  to  Charles  Town  in 
South  Carolina,  "  poor  Esther  White  continuing  indisposed  and  fearful 
"  the  journey  would  prove  too  hard  for  her."  No  wonder !  Mary 
Weston  herself  must  have  had  a  constitution  of  iron  and  "  Robur  et 
^' CSS  triplex  circum pectus"  to  go  through  it  all. 

At  a  place  the  name  of  which  is  not  given,  but  which  follows  the 
crossing  of  "  Perquimon's  River"  they  "had  a  Meeting  in  the  Court 
"  House  which  was  filled  with  a  solid  company  of  people,  chiefly  the 
"  great  folks  of  the  Town  :  Daniel  Corbin,  the  Lord  Granville's  agent 
"  was  exceeding  kind  and  respectful  as  also  the  Priest  shewed  a  great 
"  deal  of  civility  "  asking  Mary  Weston  to  his  lodging,  where  she  dined. 
"  After  Meeting  he  expressed  great  satisfaction,  as  did  many  more, 
"indeed  it  was  a  good  meeting"  (as  M.W.  beheved)  "to  divers."  On 
their  way  to  Wilmington  they  crossed  sundry  rivers  by  ferry  and  canoe, 
being  thankful  to  set  their  feet  on  dry  land  again,  and  Mary  Weston 
records  her  thankfulness  at  being  preserved  in  health  considering  the 
great  fatigues,  difliculties  and  dangers  they  met  with  frequently.  They 
often  found  the  accommodation  wretched  and  the  houses  bitterly  cold, 
while  their  horses  had  nothing  but  Indian  corn  for  days  together. 

Near  Savener  (.^  Savannah)  they  are  in  fear  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  Horse  stealers,  but  their  horses  are  spared  and  they  press  on  through 
South  Carolina,  being  "  received  by  all  with  good  manners  and  respect." 


I04  ELIOT    PAPERS  I75O 

The  little  pocket  almanac  gives  us  one  or  two  picturesque  details. 
In  crossing  Shallot  River  they  saw  an  "  Alegator  "  and  a  few  days  later 
"  caught  a  Poss"  in  riding  in  y^  wood  :  y«  female  of  which  creature 
"  carries  her  young  in  a  false  —  "  (word  not  very  clear.)  Again  "  one 
"  of  our  party  killed  a  Rattlesnake  which  was  lying  in  y^  road  near  touch- 
"  ing  our  horses'  feet." 

It  also  contains  various  recipes,  among  which  is  one  highly  suggestive 
of  one  of  her  discomforts,  for  it  refers  to  that  interesting  insect  the  Cimex 
which  has  given  its  English  name  to  the  whole  Insect  Kingdom  in 
America. 

At  a  place  called  Stonoe  they  had  a  meeting  at  the  Baptist  Meeting 
House.  "  The  Teacher,  one  Hayward,  not  only  giving  leave,  but 
"  came  himself  and  most  of  his  Hearers.  The  Meeting  was  large,  many 
"  from  Charlestown  came  to  it."  Mary  Weston  "  treated  largely "  on 
the  Samaritan  Woman.  A  "  Presbyterian  priest  "  also  dined  with  them 
and  went  to  the  Meeting,  "  behaved  well  and  expressed  his  satisfaction. 
"  He  was  a  moderate  man,  somewhat  inchned  to  the  Methodists."  In 
this  journey  we  remark  with  interest  that  she  seldom  complained  of 
being  "  burdened  "  except  when  she  came  among  her  own  people,  and 
remarked  on  the  slackness  of  their  Discipline — not  implying  thereby 
any  irregularity  of  life,  but  that  the  system  of  business  in  their  "  Meet- 
ings for  disciphne  "  was  not  properly  carried  out. 

At  Bath  Town  she  preached  to  a  large  Meeting  in  the  Court  House 
and  made  "  divers  remarks  on  the  Litany  of  the  Episcopal  Church  and 
"  Common  Prayer,  and  was  told  by  a  leading  member  of  that  Society 
"  after,  as  was  going  with  him  in  a  Chair  to  his  House  a  mile  out  of 
"  Town,  that  I  cut  close  on  that  subject  but  gave  it  a  charitable  turn  at 
"the  end  that  made  amends."  Meetings  at  "the  Court  House"  occur 
not  infrequently.  The  account  of  her  last  Meeting  at  Charlestown  is 
truly  impressive.  The  neighbours  crowded  to  hear,  so  that  the  yard 
was  nearly  full  as  well  as  the  meeting  house,  and  she  did  not  hesitate  to 
warn  "  that  libertine  people  "  plainly  of  their  sins,  such  as  "  calling  for 
"  Damnation  one  on  another."  Her  heart  was  greatly  drawn  out  towards 
them  and  tears  were  drawn  from  many  eyes. 

On  her  way  back  through  Virginia  she  attended  a  Meeting  (apparently 
a  regular  Meeting  of  the  Friends)  "  where  was  a  great  number  of  people 
"  of  all  ranks,   several  Chariots  &.   Six  &  Chaises  &   four  that  made  a 


1750  ELIOT    PAPERS  I05 

"  considerable  show  in  this  country  place."  But  her  soul  was  "  deeply 
"  moved  &  much  humbled  at  this  season  "  and  she  "  had  to  revive  the 
"  excellent  Advice  of  worthy  Hannah  to  talk  no  more  so  exceeding 
"  proudly  nor  let  Arrogancy  come  out  of  their  mouths,"  recommending 
Humility  as  the  most  becoming  ornament  for  a  Christian,  and  she  "  had 
"a  great  Reach  over  the  Meeting." 

At  another  Meeting  a  few  days  later  on  "  many  of  other  professions 
"  came,  especially  of  the  topping  sort.  They  behaved  well  and  ex- 
"  pressed  great  satisfaction  with  the  Meeting "  though  she  was  led  to 
charge  them  that  are  rich  in  this  World  not  to  be  highminded  but 
fear,  &c. 

At  "  one  of  the  Mountain  Meetings  "  we  recognise  a  state  of  things 
which  has  been  a  source  of  grief  to  faithful  Ministers  from  the  days  of 
the  Apostle  Paul  to  the  present  time.  "  A  considerable  number  of 
"  people  were  gathered  who  were  very  zealous  in  some  externals  of 
"  little  moment,  crying  up  a  particular  preacher  which  others  were  dis- 
"  satisfied  with  which  caused  Divisions  &  Contentions  among  them." 
The  next  day  she  met  with  "  such  another  company  of  people "  and 
found  it  "  a  tr3ang  meeting  believing  there  was  that  spirit  prevailing  that 
"  interrupted  the  Current  of  Life  and  caused  the  rebounding  of  the 
"  Testimony  which  is  hard  to  bear." 

Again  at  the  parting  meeting  in  that  district  "  most  of  the  Inhabitants 
"  of  every  denomination  thereaway  gave  us  their  company — a  Colonel 
"and  his  wife  came  30  miles  that  morning  in  a  Chariot  &  Six  on  pur- 
"  pose  to  attend  the  meeting  and  told  divers  they  did  not  repent  coming, 
"  earnestly  desiring  I  would  give  them  a  visit.  Indeed  I  visited  several 
"  in  that  town  that  were  not  of  our  persuasion  feeling  great  Love  in  my 
"  heart  towards  them  :  and  had  to  express  somewhat  of  it  publickly — to 
"  the  tendering  of  many." 

When  they  were  within  a  few  days  journey  of  Philadelphia,  several  of 
her  friends  rode  out  to  meet  her,  among  whom  she  mentions  her 
"esteemed  Friend  and  Cousin  Mordecai  Yarnall "  and  her  "very  dear 
"  friends  Israel  Pemberton  &  Wife  "  and  others.  To  her  great  pleasure 
they  brought  her  various  letters  from  her  husband  and  friends  in 
England  "  the  which,  together  with  such  good  company,  helped  me  over 
"  my  bodily  weakness  that  I  then  laboured  under  from  the  great  fatigue 
"  I  had  undergone  in  the  long  journey  to  the  Southerns,  but  through 
"  Divine  favour  I  recovered  daily." 


I06  ELIOT    PAPERS  175I 

One  of  the  last  notes  we  have  of  this  journey  is  of  her  visit  to 
Middleton  Meeting  "  wherein  my  spirit  was  grievously  oppressed  with 
"  filthy  spirits  claiming  superiority  in  the  Church  and  sitting  in  the 
"  uppermost  seats  in  the  Synagogue,  clothed  with  a  self-righteous  Zeal 
"  but  rotten  at  Heart,  whom  I  addressed  in  the  words  of  Ehhu — "  Great 
"  men  are  not  always  wise,  &c."  Truly  Mary  Weston  did  not  scruple 
in  recording  her  opinions. 

The  latter  part  of  the  Journal  of  this  journey  appears  to  be  lost,  but 
Mary  Weston  shortly  returned  to  Philadelphia :  not,  however,  for  any 
long  rest. 

About  this  time  she  noted  in  her  pocket  almanac  "6  mo.  the  13th 
"  1751  had  rode  5,130  miles  &  upward  in  y^  continent  of  America." 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

MARY  WESTON'S  AMERICAN  JOURNAL,   1751 

CONNECTICUT 


On  the  26th  October,  1751,  Mary  Weston  and  Mary  Pemberton 
started  on  a  fresh  journey — first  attending  a  Meeting  at  Shrewsbury, 
which  was  greatly  crowded,  and  M.W.  felt  it  her  duty  to  endeavour  "  to 
"  still  that  giddy  people  many  of  whom  were  as  light  and  airy  as  any  I 
"  have  seen  in  a  religious  congregation,  which  gave  me  great  concern." 

Thence  they  proceeded  towards  New  York  by  Wilson's  Ferry,  in 
crossing  which  some  of  the  Friends  had  much  trouble  owing  to  the 
violent  wind  and  the  difficulty  of  managing  their  horses  in  the  ferry  boat. 
Just  as  Mary  Weston  was  about  to  embark  in  another  boat  she  "  found 
"  a  stop  in  her  mind  "  for  she  "  was  not  easy."  Whereby  she  seems  to 
been  spared  an  anxious  and  dangerous  experience,  for  the  boat  was 
driven  out  towards  the  sea  by  the  wind  and  tide  and  was  apparently  in 
great  peril. 

At  New  York  she  was  happy  in  the  company  of  her  old  companion 
Margaret  Bowne,  but  she  could  not  rest  there,  having  a  "  concern  to 
visit  divers  parts  of  Connecticut  and  appoint  Meetings  among  the 
Inhabitants  who  are  very  much  strangers  to  Friends  &  their  principles 
&  indeed  some  few  years  ago  were  bitter  enemies  against  them,  deny- 
ing them  entrance  into  their  houses,  and  made  a  law  prohibiting  any 
Innholder  or  Tavernkeeper  to  entertain  them."     At  first  it  seemed 


I08  ELIOT   PAPERS  I75I 

unlikely  that  she  could  find  a  suitable  companion,  but  after  a  time 
Margaret  Bowne  herself  felt  it  her  duty  to  go — a  decision  which  brought 
great  relief  to  Mary  Weston's  mind. 

We  would  limit  our  notice  of  this  journey  to  an  account  of  the  pro- 
ceedings at  Woodbury,  which  we  give  in  M.W's  own  words. 

"  We  put  up  at  Capt.  Reed's  who  was  desirous  I  should  have  a  meet- 
"  ing  at  his  house  when  I  went  through  the  Town  about  a  year  before 
"  on  my  return  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia  which  I  was  not  free  to 
"  do  at  that  time ;  but  his  being  away  from  home  now  when  we  came, 
"  occasioned  some  difficulty  about  obtaining  room  to  hold  a  Meeting  in 
" — for  although  his  wife  had  given  liberty  to  us  to  hold  it  in  her  house, 
"yet  soon  after  one  of  their  Priests  came  &  warned  her  against  it, 
"  raising  an  objection  to  the  unlawfulness  of  Women's  preaching  which 
"  put  her  upon  fearing  lest  she  should  be  aiding  &  assisting  in  a  wrong 
"  thing  and  incur  the  Displeasure  of  that  Crafty  Hireling:  however,  as 
"  it  was  a  Tavern,  and  we  had  taken  up  the  Room,  we  insisted  on  our 
"  privilege  and  begged  her  to  be  easy  and  we  would  satisfy  her  well  for 
"  it,  and  believed  her  husband  would  freely  give  it  up  if  at  home,  where- 
"  upon  she  consented  and  the  people  had  notice  to  come  about  6  o'clock, 
"  which  many  did,  but  in  the  meantime  came  in  two  of  the  neighbours, 
"  Merchants  of  some  note  in  the  Town  who  laboured  to  prepossess 
"  such  who  came  in  that  Women  were  forbid  to  preach  and  they  had 
"  not  right  to  speak  in  the  Church  in  this  day,  advancing  all  the  argu- 
"  ments  they  could  muster  to  deter  them  from  being  at  the  Meeting, 
"  ridiculing  everything  that  was  said  seriously  on  the  subject.  One  was 
"  a  man  that  had  been  brought  up  at  the  College  in  New-Haven,  his 
"  name  Peter  Curtis :  we  thought  he  was  set  on  to  make  disturbance  by 
"  the  aforenamed  Priest.  His  accomplice  was  one  Abraham  Hays  ;  they 
"  did  not  come  into  the  Meeting  till  I  had  been  speaking  half  an  hour, 
"  when  they  rushed  through  to  the  further  side  of  the  room,  having  a 
"  candle,  pen,  ink  and  paper  in  their  hands  and  got  to  a  Table  attempt- 
"  ing  to  write  down  what  I  said  ;  thinking  thereby  I  supposed  to  confuse 
"  me  or  put  me  in  fear  of  them  :  but  through  Divine  power  I  was  raised 
"  above  the  fear  of  man  or  any  Mortal  and  their  conduct  affected  me  no 
"  more  than  if  they  had  been  little  children  whispering  together,  upon 
"  which  they  became  tired  their  end  not  being  answered,  and  were  ex- 
"  ceedingly  confused  in  themselves,  which  their  Looks  discovered,  and 


I75I  ELIOT   PAPERS  IO9 

"  Standing  up,  one  said,  I  wonder  you  have  patience  to  sit  and  be  im- 
"  posed  upon  by  so  much  nonsense,  the  Woman  preaches  confused 
"  Doctrine ;  there  is  no  connection  in  what  she  says.  It's  true,  its 
"  Scripture,  but  there  is  no  connection  in  it.  Upon  which  I  begged 
"  him  to  sit  still  and  not  disturb  our  Meeting.  He  answered  Its  an 
"  unlawful  Assembly,  which  I  and  several  others  denied,  but  he  and 
"  Hays  insisted  on  it :  which  drew  from  me  a  rebuke,  which  was,  that 
"  his  behaviour  was  very  unbecoming  a  rational  man  and  much  more  a 
"  professed  Christian,  which  I  concluded  he  was — adding,  I  knew  not 
"  what  particular  laws  they  were  governed  by  in  that  Colony,  but  if  they 
"were  in  Old  England  they  would  find  it  a  punishable  act  to  molest  us, 
"  or  any  religious  Congregation  of  People  tolerated  by  the  Government 
"  &  allowed  hberty  of  conscience  to  worship  God  in  the  way  we  believe 
"  acceptable  to  Him  and  said  I  apprehended  they  were  subject  to  the 
"  same  law,  which  was  immediately  backed  up  by  one  of  their  Deacons, 
"who  addressed  himself  to  him — Mr  Curtis,  the  Gentlewoman  is  in  the 
"  right — you  know  not  what  you  do,  if  you  don't  like  it  you  had  better 
"  walk  out — for  my  part  I  hke  what  has  been  said — it  is  sound  Doctrine 
"  and  agreeable  to  Scripture — if  it  should  be  otherwise  I  would  go  away 
"  and  not  interrupt  them."  So  finally  the  disturbers  were  prevailed  on 
to  withdraw — Mary  Weston  and  her  companion  holding  their  ground, 
and  "  afterwards  the  Truth  arose,  the  Gospel  was  preached  and  many 
"  rejoiced  therein." 

We  must  add  one  more  graphic  bit  of  narrative.  "  At  Canterbury 
"being  the  21st  of  9th  mo.  put  up  at  a  Tavern,  where  things  looked 
"  very  dark ;  a  prophane  company  of  drunken  creatures  attended  the 
"  House,  which  greatly  burthened  our  minds,  and  my  dear  Friends  and 
"  companions  were  almost  discouraged  about  having  a  Meeting  in  that 
"  place,  but  while  we  were  labouring  under  this  Difficulty,  one  Capt. 
"  Fish  came  in  upon  some  occasion  (and  indeed  I  though  it  provi- 
"  dentially)  He,  hearing  of  my  Intention  of  a  Meeting  in  that  place, 
"  freely  oflfered  his  house  which  we  gladly  accepted,  and  our  friend 
"  S.  Barhng  gave  the  people  notice  accordingly.  Through  Divine  power 
"  we  had  a  comfortable  time  among  a  people  entirely  ignorant  of  our 
"  principles.  The  man  of  the  House  offered  us  Cyder  when  we  had 
"  sitten  a  few  minutes  in  silence,  thinking  the  Meeting  did  not  begin  till 
"  I  spoke — whereupon  it  became  my  concern  to  lay  before  them  the 


no  ELIOT   PAPERS  I752 

"  great  advantage  that  accrued  to  a  pious  mind  by  a  solemn  silent  wait- 
"  ing  upon  God."  On  this  journey  she  appears  to  have  ridden  about 
530  miles. 

On  the  lOth  of  the  2nd  Month  (April)  1752  we  find  her  setting  out 
for  what  was  probably  the  last  of  her  Missionary  Journeys  in  America. 
"  Went  with  much  Difficulty  over  the  river  Delaware  in  a  boat  with  3 
"  Keels  made  for  crossing  on  the  Ice  when  too  weak  to  bear  any  other 
"  carriage  as  it  now  was,  breaking  in  with  us  several  times,  though  had 
"  been  frozen  over  several  weeks :  Yet  got  well  through  having  sufficient 
"  hands  to  assist  at  such  times,  who  ran  along  by  the  side  of  the  boat 
"  which  went  at  the  rate  of  about  6  miles  an  hour,  the  wind  blowing 
"  fresh  &  we  having  a  sail  up."  The  account  of  this  journey  breaks  off 
abruptly,  and  with  it  ends  the  Journal. 

On  a  loose  paper  at  the  end  of  the  M.S.  John  Eliot  explains  that  the 
book  had  been  bought  by  Daniel  Weston  in  his  lifetime  in  order  that 
his  wife's  Journals  should  be  copied  therein,  but  nothing  seems  to  have 
been  done  in  this  way  till  many  years  afterwards  when  J.E.  undertook 
the  work,  but  found  many  gaps  which  could  not  be  filled  up, — especially 
he  regrets  the  absence  of  any  account  of  M.W's  voyages. 

We  must  not  close  the  account  of  these  American  Journeys  without 
a  brief  notice  of  the  two  little  pocket  almanacs  for  1750  and  1751  which 
possess  a  certain  historical  and  bibhographical  value.  The  full  title  is 
"  A  pocket  Almanac  for  the  year  (1750)  Fitted  to  the  use  of  Pennsyl- 
"  vania  and  the  neighbouring  Provinces — with  several  useful  Additions. 
By  R.  Saunders,  Phil.  *  Philadelphia.  Printed  and  sold  by  B.  Franklin 
&  D.  Hall." 

Now  this  B.  Frankhn  was  none  other  than  the  celebrated  philosopher 
who  was  at  that  time  busily  engaged  as  a  printer,  while  working  out  his 
scientific  theories  and  patriotic  schemes. 

The  pages  are  not  quite  four  inches  high  and  two  inches  wide,  and 
are  fair  specimens  of  typography.  The  printed  matter  is  interleaved 
with  blank  pages.  There  is  not  much  to  remark  on  in  the  Almanac 
itself  except  that  it  begins  with  xi  Month  January,  xii  Month  February, 
i  Month  March,  &c.,  and  forecasts  of  the  weather  are  rashly  introduced 
among  the  Saints'  days  and  astronomical  notices.     At  the  end  comes  a 

*  Phil,  apparently  means  "  Philosopher  " 


1752  ELIOT    PAPERS  III 

list  of  "Quakers  General  Meetings,"  followed  by  "Fairs"!  then  by 
Courts  of  Justice.  Near  the  end  come  lists  of  the  roads,  with  distances 
to  various  stopping  places — first  North-Eastward  and  then  South-West- 
ward.     The  latter  page  is  filled  up  with  the  following  curious  rhyme  : — 

"  Rules  for  computing  expence." 
"  Compute  the  pence  but  of  one  day's  expence 
"  So  many  Pounds,  Angels,  Groats'  &  Pence 
"  Are  spent  in  one  whole  year's  Circumference 
"  or 

"  One  weeks  expence  in  Farthings,  makes  appear 
"The  shill :  &  pence  expended  in  a  year." 

Finally  comes  a  table  of  the  value  and  weight  of  coins  "  as  they  now 
"  pass  in  Pennsylvania,"  which  is  delightfully  suggestive  of  Robinson 
Crusoe,  dealing  in  Moidores,  Pistoles,  Arabian  Chequins,  Pieces  of 
eight  and  the  like,  but  it  is  worth  notice  that  an  English  guinea  was 
worth  (in  Pennsylvania)  ^I  14s,  and  that  an  ounce  of  gold,  which  was 
worth  in  England  ^3  17s  S'/^d,  would  exchange  into  local  currency  for 
^G  5s,  while  the  relative  values  of  an  ounce  of  silver  were  as  5s  2d  to 
8s  6d. 


;  probably  needless  to  say  that  an  Angel  is   lo/-  and  a  Groat  4d. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 
MARY   WESTON'S    LAST   DAYS 


Mary  Weston  doubtless  returned  home  in  the  course  of  1752,  and  we 
may  imagine  how  warmly  she  was  welcomed  by  her  husband  and 
daughter,  then  nine  years  old.  Within  the  cover  of  the  folio  book  of 
her  Journals  I  find  three  maps  carefully  executed  and  mounted  on 
canvas,  showing  the  course  of  her  principal  journeys  in  America.  It  is 
evident  that  these  have  at  some  time  been  framed,  and  I  imagine  that 
they  formed  a  somewhat  unusual  decoration  in  the  severely  plain 
Quaker  home  at  Wapping.  The  happy  family  party  was,  alas  !  not  to 
remain  long  united;  for  on  the  17th  of  lOth  Month,  1755,  Daniel  Weston 
died.  He  appears  to  have  left  good  provision  for  his  widow,  for  she 
soon  afterwards  moved  to  the  house  in  Wandsworth  where  we  met 
with  her  in  the  first  volume  (p.  77).  Here  she  lived  the  life  of  an 
active  and  hospitable  Minister  among  the  Friends,  and  from  this  house 
her  daughter  was  married  to  John  Eliot  in  1762.  About  1765  she 
married  again,  being  united  to  another  Minister,  one  Jeremiah  Waring.* 
But  this  union  was  a  short  one,  for  in  1766  her  heaUh  gave  way  alto- 
gether. She  was  attended  by  Dr  Fothergill,  who  recommended  her  to 
try  the  eflFect  of  the  Bath  waters,  then  in  the  height  of  their  popularity, 
but  no  beneficial   result  followed,  and  after  some  months  of  suffering 

*    See  the  "  Gentleman's  M.igazine,"  1792,   pt.  ii.  p,ige  972  ;    also  "  Piety  Promoted,"  pt.  10.       He  died 
at  Thorpe  I.ee  House,  Surrey,  Oct.  2,   1792,    aged  76. 


114  ELIOT   PAPERS  I765 

from  asthma  and  other  complaints  she  passed  to  her  rest  quietly  and 
peacefully  on  the  9th  October,  1766.  She  was  buried  at  RatclifFe. 
During  her  last  illness  she  remarked  that  she  never  remembered  to 
have  enjoyed  so  sweet  a  calm  over  her  mind  for  so  long  together 
as  at  that  time,  and  it  is  indeed  manifest  that  she  was  already  beginning 
to  reap  the  reward  of  the  good  and  faithful  servant  while  awaiting 
the  summons  to  her  Lord's  presence. 


We  also  bless  Thy  Holy  Name  for  all  Thy  servants  departed 
this  life  in  Thy  faith  and  fear :  beseeching  Thee  to  give  us 
grace  so  to  follow  their  good  examples  that  with  them  we 
may  be  partakers  of  Thy  Heavenly  Kingdom.     Amen." 


APPENDIX    A 


THE   ELIOT   PEDIGREE — TABLE   I 


(?)  Jolin  Eliot,  of  St.  Austell,  in  Cornwall,  d. 
II 
Philip  Eliot  (or  Ellyott),  of  St.  Austell, 
in  Cornwall,  Mercer,  d.  1691 


(Rebecca,  daughter  of  John  Chapman,  of 
Liskeard  ;  who,  after  tlie  death  of  Philip 
Eliot,  m.  Robert  May. 


John  Eliot,  of  F.ilmouth,  and  afterwards  of  London, 
Merchant,  b.  about  1683,  d.  at  Croydon  18.  8  nio. 
1762,  m.  firstly  3  Nov.  1706  Hester,  dau.  of  John 
Chappell,  of  Topsham  in  Devonshire,  (and  secondly 
in  1719  Theophila,  dau.  of  John  Bellers,*  of  Colne 
St.  Alwyns,  Glostersh.  by  whom  he  left  3  daughters. 
The  second  dau.  by  this  marriage,  Rebecca  Eliot,  m. 
Sir  John  Bridger,  of  Combe  Place,  Lewes,  their  dau. 
Mary  m.  Sir  Geo.  Shiffner,  of  Combe,  and  left  issue.) 


Jacob  Eliot,  of 
Falmouth,  d.  abt. 
1740,  married 
1731  Priscilla, 
dau.  of  Thos. 
Gwin,  of  Fal- 
mouth, d. 
without   issue. 


Jane  Eliot,  i  Rebecca  Elioi 
.  John  Turner,  m.  in  1704 
of  Lurgan,       \    Robert  Wallii 


f 

1 

John  Eliot,  of  London,  Merchant,  b.  at  Falmouth  1707, 

Philip  Elic 

t  b.  1708, 

Ann  E 

d.   19  Dec,  1735,  married  11  April,  1734  Mariabella 

d.  unmar 

ied  1759. 

Larnl 

Farmborough,  dau.  of  Peter  Briggins,  Merchant,  of 

wi 

London.      (See  Table  2.) 

bert,  d.  1763, 
thout  issue. 


John  Eliot,  of  Bartholomew  Close,  London,  and  Ash- 
more  Manor,  Dorset,  b.  at  Garlick  Hill,  London, 
2  February,  1734/5,  d.  9  January,  1813,  married 
4  Aug.  1762  Mary,  dau.  of  Daniel  Weston,  of 
London.      (See  Table  4,) 


Mariabella  Eliot,  of  Bartholomew  Close,  London, 
and  Pickhurst,  Kent,  b.  12  April,  1736,  d.  un- 
married 25  January,  1769. 


Mary  Eliot,  b.  10  Nov.  1767, 
d.  at  the  age  of  3  weeks, 


Mariabella  Eliot,  b. 
26  Nov.  1769,  d.  23 
Feb.  1852,  married  7 
Dec.  1796  Luke  How- 
ard.     (See  Table  5.) 


Ann  Eliot,  b.  24  Nov. 
1771,  d.  4  April  1776. 


1 

John  Eliot,  of  Bar- 
tholomew Close,  b.  2fc 
Nov.  1771,  d.  unmarried 
7  March  1830. 


,  of  Giles  Fettiplace,  of  Coin  St  Alwyns.     Theophila  Bellers  ^ 


Q2 


ii6 


THE   ELIOT    PAPERS 


THE    ELIOT    PEDIGREE — TABLE   II. 


William  Briggins  of  Hanslop,  Bucks, 

b.  abt.  1600 — d.  12  April  1668. 

||_ 

William    Briggins,    of   Bartholomew   Close,    London, 

Merchant,  b.  at    Hanslop  1628,  d.    27    July,  1688. 

Married    1656   Susanna,  dau.  of  Alexander  Cooper, 

sometime  Mayor  of  Andover,  Hants,  b.  1628,  d.    5 

Feb.,  1668. 


Peter   Briggii 
3  daughtei 


b.  1629,  d.  1703,  leaving  a  son    and 


William    Briggins,   b.    22    Sep.,  1657, 
d.  without  issue  17  Sep.,  1702. 


(Both  William  and  Peter  Briggins  were 
born  at  Newington  Green,  Middlesex.) 


Hannah  Briggins, 
b.  29  Aug.,  1659, 
d.  25  Jan.,  1687/8, 
m.  1680  Thomas  Tibie 
Left  one  son  William 
Tibie,  b.  1682,  d.  un- 
married 4  Dec.  1758. 


Joseph  Briggin 


1663, 
1675- 


Mercy  Briggins, 
b.  7  Aug.,  1696, 

d.  abt.  1751, 
m.   26  Oct.,  17 17, 
Joseph  Barber,  left 
I  son  and  2  drs. 


Susanna    Briggin 
b.  3  Sep.,  1697 


■  2  J.->n.,  1717/1 
Richard  How, 


Hannahbella 
Briggins,  b.  9  Oct., 
I70I,  d.  abt.  1744, 
m.  28  Aug.,  1740, 
John  Bell,  left  no 


Gulielma  Briggins, 
b.  27  June,  1704, 
d.  Oct.,  1745, 
m.   I  Mar.,   1743/4, 
Daniel  Zachary,  left 


Peter  Briggins,  of 
Bartholomew  Close, 
London,  Merchant, 
b.  24  Feb.,  1666, 
d.  27  Sep.,  1717, 
m.  29  Oct.,  1689, 
Mariabella,  dau.  of 
Thomas  Farmborough. 
(See  Table  3) 

HI 

1  Mariabella  Farm- 
I  borough  Briggins, 
'  b.  23  Feb.,  1708, 
d.  8  June,  1747. 
m.  II  April,  1734, 
John  Eliot, 
(See  Table  i) 


TABLE    III. 


Thomas  Farmborough,  of  Anson- 

under-Hill,  Oxon. 
I 
Thomas  Farmborough,  of  St.  Pauls 

Ch.  Yd.,  London,  b.  about  1633 

d.  18  May,  1720. 


Thomas  Farmborough,  of  1 
Surgeon,  b.  abt.  1663,  d. 
1723,  without  issue. 


William  Bleake,  of  Warminster,  Wilts, 
m.  1626,  Elizabeth  Vickers 


-Mariabella  Bleake  (registered  as 
Mirabel),  b.  Jan.  12,  1627, 
d.  3  Mar,,  170S,  m.  Thomas 
Farmborough. 


Mariabella   Farmborough,    b.    21 
June,  1665,  d.  25  Jan.,  1756, 
married  Peter  Briggins. 
(See  Table  2.) 


Mariabella  or 

Marabel  Bleake, 

m.  16  Feb.,  1715/16, 

Richard  Hutcheson 

or  Hutchenson 

of  Goswell  St., 

Cripplegate. 


and   Robert.      Some  of  the  family  are  said 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


117 


THE    ELIOT    PEDIGREE — TABLE    IV. 


Edward  Weston,  of   Banbury,  Oxon. 

II 
Thomas  Weston,  b.  at  Banbury,  19  Mar. 
1636/7,  lived  at  Athy,  Co.  Carlow,  d. 
1708,  buried  at  New  Garden,  Co.  Carlow, 
m.  1660  Sarah,  dau.  of  Bethell  Grimes, 
of   Burton  Dassett,  Warwicksh. 


Bethel  Weston,  of  Dublin,  and  afterwards  of 
Haverfordwest,  m.  27  June,  1693  Debo- 
rah Musgrave. 


Ernestus  Musgr 
.   Deborah    Gwir 


of   Llanyna,  Co.  Cardigan, 
of  Moliliver,  Co.  Cardigan. 
II 


Da 


grave,  b.  abt.  1643, 
d.  1712,  m.  Alice 

dau.  of  David  Lewis 
of  Llandovery, 
Co.  Pembroke. 


;rave       Eleanor  Musgrave 
d.  unmarried.  m.  Geo.  Painter 

of  Pennsylvania 
&  left  issue. 


Deborah  Musgrx 

m.  1st  Bethel 

Weston 

—  Thomas, 


2nd 


Susanna  Musgrave  Lewis  Musgrave 

m.  Evan  Bowen,  ni.  Margaret  Bower 

of  Prendergast,  &  left  3  sons  & 

Co.  Pembroke,  &  3  drs. 


Sarah  Weston     Peregrine  Weston   Edward  Weston    Susanii 


b.  1696,  m.  1722  b.  1698,  m.  17 

Joseph  Bush,  of  Mary  Gilbert  i 

Bristol,  &  Dublin,  left 

left  I  dr.  I  son. 


b.  1699,  m.  1721 

Hannah  Hemley 

in  Philadelphia 

&  left  issue.  "}• 


>  After  the  death  of  Daniel  Westovi  his  widow  m.  Jere 

Waring,  but  left  no  further  issue, 
t  From   Edward  Weston  was  descended  Ann  Stephe 

who  was  reiiponsible  for  the  spurious  pedigree. 


Daniel  Weston 

of  Wapping, 
b.  21  Sep.  1707, 
d.  25  Oct.  1755, 
m.  Mary  Pace, 
d.  of  Joseph  Pace 
of  Southwark, 
(b. 


of  Wapping,  & 
afterwards  of 
Waltbamstow, 
b.  .abt.  1710, 
d.  1783,  m. 

Judith  NickoIIs, 


711,  d.  1765)*     &  left  a  daugliter, 
II  Sarah,  who  m. 

abt.  1777 
William  DiUwyn, 

a  descendt.  of 
Eleanor  Musgrave 
(Painter)  see  abov( 


Mary  Weston 
b.  17  Aug.  1743 
d.  abt.  1812, 
m.  John  Eliot. 
(See  Table  i.) 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


THE   ELIOT    PEDIGREE — TABLE   V. 

Stanley   Howard,  of  Hitchin, 

Herts,    b.  Feb.  8,  1677,  d.  tn.   Sarah,  dau.  of  Graveley  Whittingstall.  She  was  b.  25.  6.   1681. 

1736.  and  d.  20.  i.  1721. 

Robert  Howard,  of  Folkestone, 

Kent,  b.  Ap.  14,   1706,  d.  m.  1731    Elizabeth,    dau,    of  Thos.  CuUen,  of   Folkestone.      She   was 

Dec,  1793.  ^-  170O1  d.  1785. 

II 
Robert  Howard,  of  Old  Street, 

Loudon,    b.  9.  i.   173S,  d.  m.   1772    Eliz.ibeth,    dau.    of    William    Leatham,  of   Pontefract,  Yorks, 

19.   I.   1812.  She  was  b.  29.  2.   1742,  d.  26.   10.  1816. 

Luke     Howard,      F.R.S.,     of 

Plaistow,    Essex,  and  Ack-  m.   1796  Mariabella  Eliot.       (See  Table  i) 

worth,  Yorks,  b.  Nov.   28, 
1772,  d.  March  21,  1864. 

The  Children  and  Grandchildren  of  Luke  and  Mariabella  Howard  were  as  follows  :  — 
MARY,  b.  17  Nov.   1797,  died  at  about  17  years  of  age. 

ROBERT,  b.  26  June,  1801  :  d.  2  June,  1871,  m.  Rachel,  dau.  of  Samuel  Lloyd,  of  Birmingham. 
Samuel  Lloyd  Howard,  C.B.,  b.  13  Dec.,  1827.  Twice  married,  but  no  issue. 
Rachel  Maria  Howard,  b.  20  April,  1830,  d.  — 1868,  m.  1855  William  Fowler,  sometime 

M.P.  for  Cambridge,  and  left  4  sons  and  2  daughters. 
Elizabeth  Howard,  b.  29  May,  1832,  unmarried. 
Robert   Luke  Howard,  b.  8  Oct.,  1834,  m.  Henrietta   Maria   Fox,  and  has  4  sons  and   3 

daughters. 
Theodore  Howard,  b.  3  April,  1837,  m.  Susan  Maria  Jowitt,  and  has  5  daughters. 
David  Howard,  b.  3  April,  1839,  m.  Anna  Dora  Jowitt,  and  has  4  sons  and  3  daughters. 
Eliot    Howard,    b.    13    July,    1842,    m.  Charlotte    Fox    Tuckett,  and    has    2    sons    and    I 

daughter. 
Alfred  Howard,  b.  1845,  died  in  infancy. 

ELIZABETH,  b.  26  January,  1803,  d.   19  January,  1836,  m.  John  Hodgkin. 

John   Eliot   Hodgkin,  b.  30  Dec,  1829,  m.  Sarah   Jane  Ransome,  and   has   6  sons  and  4 

daughters. 
Thomas   Hodgkin,  D.C.L.,  b.  29  July,  1831,  m.  Lucy  Anna  Fox,  and   has  3  sons  and  3 

daughters. 
Mariabella    Hodgkin,  b.  16    Feb.,  1833,  m.  The    Rt.    Honble.   Sir    Edward    Fry,    D.C.L., 

and  has  a  sons  and  6  daughters  living. 
Elizabeth    Hodgkin,  b,   16  July,  1834,    m.  Alfred  Waterhouse,    R.A.,  and   has  2  sons  and 

2  daughters  living. 


ELIOT    PAPERS  119 

THE   ELIOT    PEDIGREE— TABLE   V.    (CONTINUED) 

RACHEL,  b.  i8  June.  1804  :  d.  unmarried  24  September,  1837. 

MARIABELLA,  b.  31  July,  1805,  d.  7  June,  1806. 

A    SON,  not  named,  b.   11  August,  i8o6,  d.  20  August,  1806. 

JOHN    ELIOT,  (F.R.S.)  b.  11  December,   1807,  d.  22  November,   1883,  m.  Maria  Crewdson. 
William  Dillworth  Howard,  b.   19  December,  1831. 
Sarah    Maria    Howard,    b.    6    February,    1833,    m.  Thomas    Fox,  and  has   4    sons   and  3 

daughters  living. 
Joseph    Howard,  M.P.  for    Tottenham,  b.  9  May,   1834,  m.  HUen  Waterhouse,  and  has  5 

sons  and  2  daughters. 
Mary  Elizabeth  Howard,  b.  21  March,  1836,  m.  Edward  Rigge  Lloyd. 
John    Eliot    Howard,    b.    15    Feb.,  1838,    d.    28  Dec,   1866,  m.  Louisa  Waterhouse,  and 

left  3  sons  (of  whom  one  has  since  died). 
Mariabella  Howard,  b.  20  Dec,  1840,  ni.  Howard  Lloyd,  and  has  7  sons  and  i  daughter. 
Eleanor    Howard,  b.  4  May,  1844,  d.   1886,    m.  Sampson    Z.achary    Lloyd,  and  left  5  sons 

and  6  daughters. 
Alice    Howard,  b.  9  May,  1846,  d.   1892,  m.  Francis  Henry  Lloyd,  and  left  2  sons  and  5 

daughters. 
Henry    Howard,    b.    5    May,  1848,    m.  Alice    Gertrude    Thomson,  and   has   3  sons  and  a 

daughters. 

JOSEPH,  b.  30  May,  181 1,  died  unmarried  13  June,  1838. 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


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&    B  u  S 


APPENDIX  B. 

"OLD    STYLE"    AND    "NEW    STYLE"    OF    CALENDAR 


It  will  be  noticed  tiiat  in  all  dates  prior  to  th&  year  1752  the  "Old  Style"  is 
observed,  according  to  which  the  year  began  on  the  25th  day  of  March.  Consequently 
it  is  now  customary,  in  referring  to  such  dates,  to  give  a  double  year  to  the  days 
between   ist  January  and  25th  March — as,  for  instance,   "3rd  February,    1715/16." 

The  change  of  styles  is  particularly  confusing  in  studying  records  of  the  Quakers, 
who  call  the  months  not  by  their  names,  but  by  their  numbers,  "  First  Month," 
"  Second  Month,"  &c. 

For  although  the  names  of  the  months  were  not  altered,  their  position  in  the 
year  was  changed,  as  March,  which  used  to  be  "  _First  Month,"  became  "Third 
Month,"  and  so  on.  September,  October,  November,  and  December  were,  as  their 
names  imply,  the  "  Seventh,  Eighth,  Ninth,  and  Tenth  Months  "  in  the  Old  Style, 
but  in  the  New  Style  they  stultify  their  names  by  becoming  "Ninth,  Tenth,  Eleventh, 
and  Twelfth." 

The  New  Style  was  introduced  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII  in  1582,  but  was  not 
accepted  in  Protestant  countries  till  long  afterwards,  and  by  the  time  it  was  adopted 
in  England  in  1752  (in  accordance  with  an  Act  of  Parliament  passed  in  1751)  our 
Calendar  had  become  incorrect  by  eleven  days.  To  rectify  this  error  it  was  enacted 
that  the  next  day  after  the  3rd  September,  1752,  should  be  reckoned  the  14th 
September.  The  mob  who  were  ignorant  of  the  reason  and  necessity  for  such  a 
change  considered  that  they  had  been  defrauded  of  eleven  days  of  their  lives,  and 
used  to  shout  to  unpopular  Statesmen  in  the  streets  or  on  the  hustings  "  Who  stole 
"the  eleven  days?"     "Give  us  back  our  eleven  days!" 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  explain  that  the  reason  for  the  omission  of  the  days 
arose  from  the  fact  that  the  astronomers  of  Julius  Caesar's  day  had  not  measured  the 
length  of  the  year  with  sufficient  correctness.  They  reckoned  it  as  365  daj-s, 
6  hours,  whereas  it  is  in  reality  only  365  days,  5  hours,  48  minutes,  49^-10  seconds. 
Therefore  the  Julian  allowance  of  an  extra  day  every  fourth  year  is  rather  too  much, 
and  the  annual  error  of  11   minutes  lofio   seconds  accumulates  in  a  century  to  nearly 


122  ELIOT    PAPERS 

a  whole  day  of  24  hours.  By  the  time  of  Gregory,  the  Calendar  had  thus  become 
10  days  wrong.  This  was  corrected,  and  to  prevent  further  errors  it  was  arranged 
that  the  Leap  Year  should  be  omitted  at  the  even  centuries  which  are  not  divisible 
by  4.  Thus  1600  remained  a  Leap  Year — but  1700,  1800,  and  1900  are  not  Leap 
Years. 

In  Russia  and  Greece  alone,  of  all  Christian  countries,  the  Old  Style  is  still 
adhered  to,  and  their  Calendar  has  thus,  by  this  time,  become  wrong  to  the  extent 
of  12  days:  so  that  what  is  the  12th  of  March  with  them  is  the  24th  of  March  with 
us,  and  so  on. 

The  Old  Style  is  also,  I  believe,  still  observed  in  all  calculations  of  the  British 
Treasury— thus  the  financial  year  begins  on  the  5th  April,  which  is  Lady  Day  "  Old 
"  Style." 

It  is  an  amusing  fact  that,  whereas  in  Roman  Catholic  countries  popular  periodic 
miracles,  such  as  the  liquefaction  of  the  blood  of  San  Gennaro  at  Naples,  dutifully 
observed  the  Papal  decree  and  conformed  to  the  New  Style,  all  our  old  mystical 
phenomena,  such  as  the  flowering  of  sacred  thorn  trees  at  Christmas,  keep  up  their 
protest  by  sticking  to  the  "Old  Style." 


APPENDIX   C 

THE    BRIGGINS    BOOK    OF    TRAVELS' 


The  notices  of  the  Briggins  Family  Papers  would  be  incomplete  without  some 
brief  description  of  a  verj'  curious  and  valuable  manuscript  which  has  been  handed 
down,  the  full  title  of  which  is  as  follows : 

"ASIA" 

"Wherein  is  contained  y=  scituation,  comerse  (customs)  &c.,  of  many  Provinces, 
"Isles,  &c.,  in  India,  Persia,  Arabia,  and  y=  South  Seas,  experienced  by  me  T.B.  in 
"  y=  forementioned  Indies,  vizt.  from  Anno  MDCLXIX  to  MDCLXXIX." 

It  is  a  small  folio  volume  of  about  176  pages,  closely  written  in  old-fashioned  hand- 
writing, except  about  24  left  blank  near  the  middle,  in  which  the  author  appears  not  to 
have  copied  his  rough  notes.  One  of  these  blank  pages  is  headed  "  Arackan,"  another 
"  Pegu,"  and  another  "Tanassaree."  The  narrative  or  description  begins  again  at  page 
131,  with  the  heading  "  Janselone."  It  ends  abruptly  in  the  middle  of  a  word,  and  has 
evidently  been  rebound,  probably  in  the  last  century,  with  the  final  pages  missing.  The 
MS.  is  illustrated  with  pen  and  ink  drawings  generally  of  scrupulous  exactness  of  detail, 
but  quaint  ignorance  of  art,  of  which  a  list  is  given  below. 

The  countries  and  places  described  are  "  Choromandel,"  "  Pettipolie,"  "  Metch- 
lipatam,"  "  Narsapore,"  "  Maddapolam,"  "  Pollicutt  (?)  "  "  Golcondah,"  "  y=  Coast  of 
Gingalee,"  "  Orixa,"  "  Bengala,"  "  Pattana,"  "  Arackan,"  (blank)  "  Pegu,"  (blank) 
"  Tanassaree,"  (blank)  "  Oedjange  =  SaIange,  commonly  called  Janselone,"  "  Queda," 
and  "  Achin,"  elsewhere  described  as  "  Achin  upon  Sumatra." 

The  illustrations  are:  a  full  page  drawing  of  the  "Pagod"  of  "  Jno.  Gurnaet." 
(Juggernaut). 

A  full  page  drawing  of  a  palm  grove  and  part  of  a  temple  with  a  group  of  Indian 
jugglers. 

"  The  figure  of  one  of  the  before-mentioned  Diabolical  Chariots "  (of  Jno. 
Gurnaet). 

A  full  page  drawing  of  three  fakirs,  (or  "  gymnosophists ")  and  a  figure  in 
ornamental  dress. 

A  family  of  Hindoos  with  the  mark  of  Vishnu  on  the  forehead. 


124  ELIOT    PAPERS 

A  Suttee — the  widow  about  to  throw  herself  into  the  funeral  pile. 

Two  boats — "a  Masoola"  and  "a  Cattamaran." 

A  drawing  (nearly  full  page)  of  four  trees,  viz.:  "A  P.  Pango  tree,"  "Arbor 
triste,"  "a  Palmito,"  and  "a  Palmero  tree." 

"An  Antilops  head  and  neck." 

A  full  page  drawing  of  Serpent-charmers — the  serpents  are  of  stupendous  size, 
and  with  human  faces,  emitting  barbed  tongues.  This  is  an  exception  to  the  usual 
accuracy  of  detail — perhaps  T.B.  was  too  alarmed  to  sketch  a  serpent's  head  correctly. 

An  unfinished  drawing  (pencil  sketch  only)  of  a  "  Roshbute  "  (?  Rajput)  Nabob 
seated  cross-legged  on  a  divan,  and  an  attendant. 

"  A  Palanchino." 

A  beautifully  executed  copy  of  a  decorated  dish. 

Two  "  Hoocars,  commonly  called  hubble-bubble." 

A  carefully  executed  drawing  of  a  "  Slip,"  for  hauling  up  a  ship  for  repairs. 

A  Temple  at  Golcondah. 

A  large  group  of  warriors  round  the  figure  of  a  giant  called  Jansa  Bainsah  (or 
Banisah). 

Hook-swinging. 

"  The  Figure  of  an  Elephant  w'''  his  face  directly  toward  yow." 

A  terrible-looking  beast,  apparently  intended  for  a  "Tyger." 

Certain  other  beasts,  apparently  wild  boars,  which  he  describes  as  the  "  uglyest 
of  Annimals." 

Some  jackals — with  a  house  in  the  distance. 

A   "  Rhinocerott,"  (very  carefully  drawn). 

A  boat  called  "an  Olocko :  they  row  some  w'^"  4 :  some  w'*'  6  owers  and  ply  for  a 
"faire  as  wherries  doe  in  y=  Thames." 

"A  Budgaree  or  pleasure  boat," 

"A  Purgoe,"  "A  Boora,"  "A  Patolla."     (Three  kinds  of  boat). 

"  A  Muske  Deere." 

"A  Plantan"  and  "A  Samcan."     (Two  trees). 

A  group  of  bamboos. 

"  A  man  of  war  Prow."     (Prahu  or  Malayan  vessel). 

A  pepper-tree. 

A  group  of  fruit  trees — two  pine-apples. 

A  number  of  curious  fish. 

A  Buffalo  (as  our  author  has  evidently  been  puzzled  about  the  hind  legs  he  has 
concealed  them  behind  trees,  in  which  are  numerous  monkeys). 

An  Alligator.  (This  is  evidently  not  drawn  from  life,  and  has  a  suspicious  resem- 
blance to  a  common  uavi). 

An  areca  or  "  betelee-nut "  tree,  &c. 


ELIOT    PAPERS  I25 

An  Elephant  with  magnificent  cloth  and  howdah  (the  latter  unfinished). 

"  An  Achin  cripple." 

An  unfinished  drawing — apparently  intended  (when  completed)  to  represent  a 
group  of  houses  "  upon  stilts." 

"A  Mangastine  Tree"  and  "A  Durian  Tree." 

The  descriptions  are  given  from  actual  observation  or  information  gathered  on  the 
spot,  and  are  most  curious  and  valuable,  besides  being  in  the  quaintest  of  language. 
The  book  e.'ccited  great  interest  in  the  mind  of  the  late  Col.  Yule,  to  whom  I  lent  it, 
and  but  for  his  premature  death  it  would  probably  have  been  edited  by  the  Hakluyt 
Society.  He  quotes  it  repeatedly  in  his  notes  on  the  "  Diary  of  William  Hedges," 
(Hakluyt  Society,  1877).  It  will  be  a  pity  if  it  is  never  laid  before  the  public,  but  the 
task  of  editing  it  and  reproducing  the  illustrations  is  a  heavy  one,  and  ought  really  to  be 
undertaken  by  some  one  well  acquainted  with  India  and  Indian  history  :  but  if  no  one 
else  comes  forward,  I  suppose  that,  if  I  live,  I  shall  have  to  do  it  myself,  (provided  that 
friends  help  towards  the  expense). 

I  may  mention  that,  in  future  English  Dictionaries,  it  will  be  notified  as  the  first 
book  in  the  English  language  in  which  the  word  "cheroot"  is  known  to  have  been 
used. 

Now  as  to  the  authorship  of  the  work.  It  has  been  handed  down  by  family  tradition 
that  "T.B."  was  a  member  of  the  Briggins  family,  but  serious  doubt  has  been  thrown 
upon  this  idea  for  two  reasons.  Firstly,  no  member  of  the  family  named  in  the  very 
complete  genealogies  possesses  these  initials ;  and  secondly,  no  such  name  can 
be  found  in  the  records  of  the  East  India  Company  of  a  navigator  or  merchant  either  as 
a  recognised  servant  of  the  Company  or  as  an  "  Interloper," — and  a  man  who 
evidently  traded  for  ten  years  in  these  seas  is  not  likely  to  have  been  overlooked  in  days 
when  navigators  and  merchants  were  few  and  well  known. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  a  certain  Captain  Bowry  whose  name  appears  in  Peter 
Briggins'  Journal  may  be  the  author — this  is  a  clew  which  I  have  not  j'et  been  able  to 
follow  up  fully. 

Owing  to  the  doubt  about  the  authorship  I  have  put  this  description  in  the 
Appendix  rather  than  among  the  Briggins  histories. 


Note. — Since  writing  the  above  I  have  had  much  kind  help  from  Mr  W.  Foster, 
the  present  Secretary  of  the  Hakluyt  Society,  in  the  endeavour  to  trace  the  writer,  but, 
so  far,  without  success. 


APPENDIX    D 


The  following  Itinerary  of  Mary  Weston's  Southern  Journey  in  1750-51  may  be 
of  interest,  in  case  any  copies  of  this  book  should  find  their  way  to  America. 

From  Philadelphia — 


miles 


miles 


To  Wm.  Shipley's         

30 

ToNansemund                

14 

Harrison's  Ferry     

37 

West  Branch              

10 

Rockrun 

10 

Somerton                    

21 

Bush  River               

23 

Perquimon's  Bridge 

40 

Gunpowder              

33 

Wills           

10 

Petapsco  .  - 

20 

Little  River                

11 

R.  Richardson's       

M 

Pasquotank                 

■       14 

Widow  Pierpoint's 

6 

Simon's  Creek          

..     12 

Potowmack              

25 

Perquimons               

■     14 

Col.  Blackbourne's 

25 

Edentown 

20 

Rhapahannock  R 

35 

Bath  Town,  cross  Bell's  Ferry 

57 

The  Falls 

10 

Newburn                    

35 

Caroline 

34 

White  Oak                

34 

Black  Creek             

48 

Scot's  Tavern,  cross  New  River 

55 

Curie's      

16 

Wilmington                

12 

Wine  Oak                 

20 

Brunswick 

..     18 

John  Crew's             

20 

Shallot  River             

■      32 

Barley,  or  R.  Hannicott's 

33 

Long  Bay                   

-     30 

Blackwater               

16 

Wackamow  R 

■     «7 

Anselm  Bailey's      

36 

George  Town           

..     20 

Pagan  Creek            

22 

Parishes,  cross  3  Ferries 

..     28 

Chuckatuck             

16 

Charles  Town           

33 

Rasconeck                

22 

RETURN 

JOURNEY 

miles 

miles 

To  John's  Island            

12 

To  George  Town            

..     28 

Stonoe      

21 

Widow  Allston's       

22 

John  Sinclair's         

16 

Savener      

■     42 

Parishes   

33 

Lockwood's  Folly     

-     27 

128 


ELIOT    PAPERS 


RETURN    jOURtiEY -co»/ifiued. 


miles 

miles 

To  Carver's  Creek         

46 

To  Hoe's  Ferry               

46 

John  Maultby's        

19 

Patuxon      

36 

Cape  Fear                

34 

Jos.  Galloways          

16 

\Vm.  Nickolls          

30 

Patuxon      

16 

Jno.  Cooper's          

20 

Rd.  Snowdon's          

18 

White  Oak              

36 

Jas.  Brooke's              

16 

Newburn                  

30 

Monockey 

30 

PampHco  River       

30 

Adam  Furness'          

45 

Bath  Town              

6 

Lancaster                   

40 

Col.  West's             

42 

Laycock     

9 

Chowan  River         

47 

Jas.  Moon's                

12 

Thos.  Newby's       

40 

Derby 

14 

Murdatis  (?) 

12 

Richland    

9 

Thos.  Newby's       

21 

Goshen       

10 

Pagan  Creek            

26 

Bradford 

8 

Ward  Creek 

30 

Benj.  Taylor's           

9 

Burley 

20 

East  Nottingham       

22 

Stephen  Dewy's      

IS 

Jas.  King's 

i8 

Curies' 

52 

West  Nottingham 

- 20 

The  Swamp             

-     28 

Charles  Town,  Maryland 

26 

J.  Winston's            

9 

New  Garden              

12 

Jos.  Parsons' 

14 

Wm.  Miller's             

'4 

Goochland               

30 

Thos.  Hollingsworth 

12 

Tinker  Woodson's 

16 

Newark      

8 

Fork  Creek              

26 

Chichester 

16 

Camp  Creek             

• 24 

Concord     

20 

Thos.  Christmass'    

32 

Wm.  Brinton's 

8 

Cedar  Creek            

9 

Caleb  Copeland 

5 

Newcastle                 

32 

Middletown               

8 

Caroline                    

40 

Springfield                  

10 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  there  appears  to  be  no  mention  whatever  of  the  coloured 
population  of  the  Southern  States  in  the  Journals,  although  I  suppose  they  were 
already  numerous. 


2599